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Naturalisation, democracy and rule of law: risks and opportunities | Zuwanderung, Flucht und Asyl: Aktuelle Themen | bpb.de

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Briten in Spanien Einen neuen Lebensstil entdecken Folgen des Residenztourismus Zusammenfassung Literatur Wahlrecht und Partizipation von Migranten Einleitung Politische Rechte und Kommunalwahlrecht Wahlrecht für Drittstaatsangehörige Einbürgerung Aktuelle Entwicklungen Schlussbemerkungen Literatur Demografischer Wandel und Migration Einleitung Demografischer Übergang Deutschland und Europa Internationale Wanderung Integration und Reproduktionsverhalten Wanderungspolitik Regionale Muster Literatur Glossar English Version: Policy Briefs "Having a nationality is not a given, it is a privilege" Sanctuary and Anti-Sanctuary Immigration Law in the United States Migrant Smugglers Urbanizing Skilled Female Migrants in the EU Self-Organization of Women* Refugees Impact of Migration Revisited Child and Youth Migration Human Rights Protections Migration from the United Kingdom Adoption and Child Migration Third Culture Kids Trafficking in Children Actors in National and International (Flight)Migration Regimes UNHCR UNRWA International Organization for Migration The International Organization for Migration (IOM) German Asylum Policy and EU Refugee Protection Introduction Refugee Law Asylum Law, Refugee Policy, Humanitarian Migration Flight and Asylum Current Developments Current and Future Challenges References Integration in a Post-Migrant Society Introduction Post-Migrant Society Paradigm Shift Do We Still Need the Concept of Integration? Integration as a Metanarrative Need for a New Concept References Lifestyle Migration What Is Lifestyle Migration? British in Spain Realizing a New Style of Life Outcomes of Lifestyle Migration Conclusion References Voting rights and political participation Introduction Political and Municipal Voting Rights Voting Rights for Nationals of Non-EU States Naturalization Recent Developments Conclusions References Frontex and the EU Border Regime Introduction Frontex — Questions and Answers The Development of a European Border Regime Externalization Technologization Border Economies On the Other Side of the Border Fence Is Migration a Risk? References Demographic Change and Migration in Europe Introduction Demographic Transition Germany and Europe International Migration Reproductive Behavior Migration Policy Regional Patterns Glossary Further Reading Global Migration in the Future Introduction Increase of the World Population Growth of Cities Environmental Changes Conclusion: Political Migration References Germans Abroad Introduction Germans Abroad Expatriates in Hong Kong and Thailand Human Security Concerns of German Expatriates Conclusions References Migrant Organizations What Are Migrant Organizations? Number and Structure Their Role in Social Participation Multidimensionality and the Dynamic Character Interaction with their Environments Between the Countries of Origin and Arrival Conclusion References EU Internal Migration EU Internal Migration East-West Migration after the EU Enlargement Ireland United Kingdom Spain Portugal Greece Italy Germany Assessment of Qualifications Acquired Abroad Introduction Evolution of the Accreditation Debate The Importance of Accreditation Basic Principles Thus Far of the Accreditation of Qualifications Acquired Abroad Actors in the Accreditation Practice Reasons for Establishing a New Legal Framework The Professional Qualifications Assessment Act What Is Being Criticized? The Accreditation System in Transition Conclusion References From Home country to Home country? Context Motives Immigration and Integration in Turkey Identification Emigration or Return? References Integration in Figures Approaches Development Six Approaches Conclusion References Climate Change Introduction Estimates Affected areas Environmental migration Conclusion References Dual citizenship Discourse Classic objections Current debate Rule of law Conclusion References Female Labour Migration The labour market Dominant perceptions Skilled female migration Issues Conclusion References How Healthy are Migrants? Definition The Health Status Prevention/Barriers Migration and Health Conclusions References Networks Spain Migrant networks Effects of networks Romanian networks Conclusion References Integration Policy Introduction Demographic situation Economic conditions Labour market The case in Stuttgart Integration measures Evaluation Outlook References Irregular Migration Introduction The phenomenon Political approaches Controlling Sanctions Proposed directive Conclusions References Integration Courses Introduction The Netherlands France Germany United Kingdom Conclusions References Recruitment of Healthcare Professionals Introduction The Situation Health Worker Migration Costs and Benefits Perspectives and Conclusion References Triggering Skilled Migration Introduction Talking about mobility Legal framework Coming to Germany Mobility of scientists Other factors Conclusions References Remittances Introduction The Term Remittance Figures and Trends Effects Conclusion References EU Expansion and Free Movement Introduction Transitional Arrangements Economic Theory The Scale The Results Continued Restrictions Conclusion References The German "Green Card" Introduction Background Green Card regulation Success? Conclusion References Does Germany Need Labour Migration? Introduction Labour shortages Labourmarket Conclusion Labourmigration References Dutch Integration Model The "Dutch model"? The end? Intention and reality A new view Where next? References Impressum

Naturalisation, democracy and rule of law: risks and opportunities

Daniel Naujoks

/ 8 Minuten zu lesen

It is especially important at this point to analyse critically whether, and if so, to what extent, the debate about dual citizenship is associated with arguments relating to the naturalisation of foreigners in general.

The chairman of the Turkish community in the German state of Baden-Württemberg, Gökay Sofuoglu, holds dual citizenship. (© picture-alliance/dpa)

In this regard, objections to dual citizenship are often an expression of fears associated with the notion of an increasing trend towards naturalisation. As is shown in more detail in this section, the concerns put forward are often based on perceived dangers for the country´s internal security as well as on an assumed shift in political power caused by a change in the demographic profile of the electorate. This raises the question of to what extent these concerns are justified and whether arguments against increased naturalisation – both in general and in the context of dual citizenship – can be reconciled with fundamental democratic principles. Alongside possible risks for society, it is necessary to consider the opportunities presented by conversion from de facto state members into de iure state members.

Internal security

Concerns for political security raised against naturalisation relate first and foremost to forfeiting the possibility of deportation. It is certainly correct that naturalised persons can no longer be expelled or deported if they commit crimes. This concern can be countered at least in part by the fact that foreigners who are conspicuous for their criminal activities will not as a rule be granted German citizenship anyway. Moreover, critics mostly fail to recognise that even the expulsion of foreigners of long-standing residence is possible only under very specific circumstances. Only as recently as August 2007 did the German Constitutional Court strengthen the special status of so-called "de facto citizens" for whom length of stay in the country is always to be taken into consideration for any expulsion order, as is how well such persons are integrated within German society and whether they actually have ties to the state of which they are nationals.

The fear that recognition of dual citizenship would lead to naturalising terrorists is unjustified. Those who do not shy away from terror surely have no problem giving up their original citizenship. It rather seems that an exclusionist attitude is buttressed by tying it to the important issue of internal security. In reality this raises the question of whether the risk that a handful of criminals cannot in fact be deported justifies the permanent exclusion of many hundreds of thousands of people from participatory rights.

At the heart of much of the exclusionary tendency is concern about immigrants emerging as a political lobby. Often there is a fear that the "indigenous population" might be dominated by a large group of immigrants whose status as citizens has been gained merely in a formal sense.

These fears of a loss of power give rise to three questions. First, it should be asked just how many more immigrants would be naturalised if dual citizenship were to be recognised and thus, how many new voters would in fact be created. Second, there is a need to evaluate what resonance might be expected in political circles given a change in the electorate and third, whether considerations of the benefits, and the values that underpin society, do not make an eventual loss of power and other possible negative effects appear rational or even right and proper.

(a) Naturalisation rate and dual citizenship
Criticism levelled at dual citizenship is often based on an assumption that if it is recognised the consequence will be "mass naturalisation". It is difficult to predict what increase can, in fact, be expected in the rate of naturalisation on the basis of this circumstance alone. Sporadic studies on this subject indicate that should dual citizenship be recognised there might well be an increase in the number of naturalisations, but not the "mass naturalisation" some critics fear. This applies especially in a country such as Germany where there is no particular tradition of naturalisation and where citizenship is not the basis for the granting of social rights.

(b) Change in politics – political resonances resulting from a change in the electorate
The question as to how the political organisation of new citizens and the changes in the political picture would turn out cannot be answered with certainty. It is not unrealistic to expect to find that increased naturalisation will result in new citizens having a greater presence in German politics.

Nonetheless, it appears misleading to perceive the potential new citizens as a uniform, homogeneous mass joining together as one to represent its own interests. Although people possessing Turkish citizenship represent the largest single group of immigrants, they comprise only one quarter of the foreigners living in Germany. Even Turkish migrants fall into different religious or non-religious, Sunni and Alevite, Kurdish and non-Kurdish, traditional and modern camps. The interests of workers, academics, the self-employed and unemployed of Turkish origin often do not coincide; that they would unite politically merely because they share a common origin seems less than likely.

Migration backround of the population (bpb) Lizenz: cc by-nc-nd/2.0/de

Moreover, people often overlook the fact that, apart from foreigners who do not have a German passport, a further eight million Germans or 10% of the resident population have a migration background (see figure). Almost half of them (44%) are naturalised persons. 23% are descendants of ethnic German repatriates (mostly from Eastern Europe), so called 'Aussiedler' and 34% of Germans with a migration background are the children of foreign-born parents These people too have, to date, caused no serious power struggles or redistribution of power. The behaviour of this diverse group of people as voters has also been very inadequately researched as yet, for which reason it appears premature to draw any definite conclusions with regard to changes in the political structure. Conservative centre-right politicians sometimes fear that the political integration of migrants would necessarily lead to a power shift towards the political left. This is not, however, by any means certain. People usually overlook the fact that migrants are often inclined towards conservatism and thus most definitely represent potential voters for conservative parties.

The democratic benefits of naturalisation

As stated, recognition of dual citizenship can lead to increased naturalisation and this, in turn, may exclude the possibility of deporting criminals. In addition, there could be a resultant power shift in society. As explained, however, none of these consequences is likely to be extreme. Arguments concerning the "redefinition of society" or millions of terrorists that cannot be deported therefore lack a rational foundation. The most important question is to what extent and at what cost can and should a community´s original values, and the retention of power by those who hold it, be secured against immigrants. This question leads in turn to the heart of questions about migration, integration and democracy.

Quota of the in Germany born foreign naturals as measured by the total of foreigners in Germany (bpb) Lizenz: cc by-nc-nd/2.0/de

At the end of 2007, there were 1.3 million people in Germany who were born in the country but who did not hold a German passport; almost half of them were over eighteen years old. In total, a fifth of all foreigners and a third of all people with a Turkish passport residing in Germany were born in Germany (see figure). There are also more than two and a half million people of foreign nationality who have been living in Germany for more than 20 years, one and a half million for more than 30 years. It therefore appears justified to identify migrants in Germany for the most part as immigrants in a narrow sense who will stay in the country permanently. Despite this situation, Germany´s long-standing label as not being a country of immigration has led to the fact that for a long period there has been no substantiated inventory taken of the situation of immigrants in Germany, nor any coherent integration policy developed on that basis. As a result, even second- and third-generation immigrants are still not regarded as "natives".

Discussions on naturalisation are of particular importance in this regard, for, as long as immigrants are not naturalised and as long as there is no indivisible "community of common destiny" (Schicksalsgemeinschaft), some people will continue to believe that return migration will one day put an end to the co-habitation of disparate cultures on German soil. This exclusionary tendency is a problem because it excludes the process of rethinking and defining the relationship with people of foreign origin living in Germany.

The naturalisation of long-term immigrants is a democratic necessity, for only then does the electorate reflect the actual population. Otherwise democracy is deficient. In this regard, the key issue is not optimising future immigration ; instead, the paramount question is how to reconcile the democratic principles on which our society is founded with the fact that our current population contains people living permanently in the country without political rights. It is a natural reaction of those who fear new competitors in the context of a struggle for resources to develop a tendency to reject such competitors. History is full of efforts to exclude others and the overcoming of those tendencies. And each new insight that appeared at first to be at one´s own expense has led to the high level of liberality and freedom that many modern societies have already achieved. The fight to confer full citizenship to Indians and Afro-Americans in the US, the recognition of women´s right to vote, as well as respect for human rights – all these status changes were accompanied by major reservations on the part of those who believed these changes would cause them to lose prosperity, power and influence. Now all this is regarded as an irrevocable democratic standard in modern democracies. It has to be noted that the decisive arguments for inclusion are not founded on altruistic motives alone. On the contrary, an inclusive society is stronger and also improves the living conditions of those who at first expect real or apparent loss of power.

Fussnoten

Fußnoten

  1. Cf. Section 8, para. 1 Item 2 and section 10, para. 1 Item 5 German Citizenship Act.

  2. Decision of the German Constitutional Court, 10 August 2007, Ref. 2 BvR 535/06.

  3. Thus the then Bavarian Minister of the Interior Beckstein (1999): "Acts of terror perpetrated by the PKK make us suspect: if there were millions of German-Turkish, German-Serbian or German-Albanian dual nationals living in Germany, then we would automatically have the conflicts from these regions here in this country." [translation by the author] Edmund Stoiber is also quoted in Die Welt, 4 January 1999, as saying dual citizenship is a greater danger to security than the terrorist actions of the RAF (Red Army Faction) in the 1970s and 80s.

  4. Thus, inter alia, an anonymous comment on Externer Link: www.welt.de dated 12 June 2007 predicts "The Turks of today are the SPD voters of tomorrow. The day after that they will found their own party and the SPD will become history." [translation by the author]. Roland Koch (in Die Welt dated 15 January 1999) also fears something similar. See also Green (2005:941).

  5. Thränhardt (2008:30ff.) studies the experience in the Netherlands where dual nationality was accepted upon naturalisation in the 1990s but then rejected again and determines a clear increase in the naturalisation rate for the period when multiple citizenship was permitted. See Naujoks (2008:405ff.) for further references. Table 1 also indicates a positive correlation between the number of naturalisations and acceptance of dual citizenship.

  6. According to the Central Register of Foreigners (AZR), of 6.7 million foreigners registered on the 31.12.2007, 1.7 million were Turkish nationals (25.4 %).

  7. Since the reform of the German Citizenship Act, with effect from 1 August 1999 ethnic German repatriates (mostly from Eastern Europe) are granted German citizenship through a separate certificate. Previously, they were formally naturalised.

  8. For one of the few studies see Wüst (2006).

  9. In an interview with Die Welt on 8 November 2003, Faruk Sen, director of the Essen Centre for Studies on Turkey, points out that the CDU has disproportionately high number of supporters among Muslim migrants.

  10. Casanova (2006:183).

  11. Thränhardt (2008:7, 13 f.). At the same time, the granting of electoral rights that are not tied to citizenship would satisfy democratic requirements.

  12. For information on the subjects of immigration, citizenship and states as strategic clubs see Straubhaar (2003) and Kolb (2007).