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suche-links1 2 .. 236suche-rechts vom 17.10.2019

"What the Media Aren’t Telling You About Turkey and the Kurds"

Marc D. Joffe unterstützt die Entscheidung des US-Präsidenten für einen Truppenabzug aus Syrien dagegen und erinnert daran, dass die Türkei ein NATO-Partner sei und die syrischen Kurden der Terrororganisation PKK naheständen. "Cherry-picking facts or reporting distortions in support of an anti-Trump or pro-intervention narrative does a huge disservice to the American public, who, as the President rightly noted last week, have spent $8 trillion and lost thousands of soldiers on endless wars in the Middle East since 9/11. And, as major media are failing to tell us,, several of those US casualties have been in Syria. (...) there would never have been a good time to remove troops from the Turkish-Syrian border: Turks and Kurds have been at odds for centuries. The US military cannot assure optimal results everywhere: in many cases, we’ll have to tolerate the outcomes that local states and regional powers achieve. Otherwise, the loss of American lives and treasure will continue until our country will no longer be able to take care of itself, let alone others."

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Al Jazeera English vom 17.10.2019

"Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Europe's 'double standard' in arms sales"

Al Jazeera fragt nach dem schnellen Entschluss europäischer Führungsmächte, Waffenverkäufe in die Türkei aufgrund der türkischen Syrien-Intervention zu unterbinden, warum ähnlich weitreichende Sanktionen nicht auch gegen Saudi-Arabien verhängt werden. "The swift response on Turkey stands in stark contrast to the resistance most of them showed this time last year, when human rights groups had called for similar penalties against Saudi Arabia over the killing of Jamal Khashoggi. The journalist's murder on October 2, 2018 - carried out by Saudi agents inside the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul - shocked the world and prompted renewed scrutiny over Riyadh's actions in Yemen, where a Saudi-led coalition has waged a years-long campaign against Houthi rebels. That conflict has killed tens of thousands of people and pushed the Arab world's most impoverished country to the brink of famine. As the outcry over Khashoggi intensified, Germany responded with a six-month long arms ban on Saudi Arabia, but the other four countries continued to ignore calls for action. (...) 'When you compare Turkey to Saudi Arabia, we see an element of hypocrisy in the position of European and other Western countries,' said Marwan Kabalan, Director of Policy Analysis at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies in Doha. 'This is because countries are less concerned about principles or consistency when it comes to foreign policy. They are mainly seeking their own interests.'"

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Financial Times vom 16.10.2019

"Donald Trump reminds the west why it liked US leadership"

Die aktuellen Ereignisse in Nordsyrien offenbaren nach Ansicht von Janan Ganesh, wie die Alternative zur oft geschmähten "Pax Americana" im Nahen Osten aussehen würde. "The world resented American omnipresence before it complained about American dereliction. Inadvertently, Donald Trump is forcing the end of this ambivalence. The more the US president unwinds his country’s external commitments, the more other nations see the resultant damage to the global commons. His decision to expose Kurds in Syria to Turkish forces has been the most clarifying moment of all. But there have been others, over trade and climate change. Countries with historic qualms about US power are going through a chastening education in life without it. The perverse result: an America First president could bequeath his successor a world that is keener on US leadership than it was before."

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The Moscow Times vom 16.10.2019

"Turkey and Russia Show That Land Grabs Can Pay Off"

Leonid Bershidsky vergleicht die türkische Invasion in Syrien mit der russischen Übernahme der Krim und hinterfragt die heutige Bedeutung des völkerrechtlichen Prinzips der territorialen Integrität. "The emergence and acceptance of this norm — a general international consensus against military conquest and armed secession — is often credited for the declining number of conquest attempts in recent decades. But the conclusions of political scientist Mark Zacher, whose 2001 paper promoted the idea that this territorial integrity norm had led to a dramatic decrease in the number of border changes, has been challenged in more recent research. A causal link between the norm and the prevalence of land grabs is turning out hard to prove. In a recent paper, Dan Altman of Georgia State University holds that conquest has never really gone obsolete. Instead, he claims, based on several updated datasets of interstate conflicts, that the nature of land grabs has changed (...). When it comes to conquests, it’s not clear whether any kind of operational 'rules-based order' has ever existed. Putin and Erdogan are just taking more risk than is customary. The authoritarians play for big stakes. Erdogan’s Syria move is a gamble — but not because he can be held responsible for violating some important norm."

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The Washington Post vom 16.10.2019

"The awkward tension underlying the West’s anger at Turkey"

Ishaan Tharoor macht darauf aufmerksam, dass der Westen auf die türkische Invasion in Syrien deutlich schärfer reagiere als auf den saudi-arabischen Krieg in Jemen. Der seiner Ansicht nach "verständliche" Grund für diesen Doppelstandard sei das angespannte Verhältnis zur Türkei, die immer noch NATO-Partner und nominelle Demokratie sei. "For all the Western antipathy toward Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the Turkish president still seems to loom as a larger boogeyman. In Europe, Erdogan is widely seen as the dangerous demagogue next door. In the United States, he has become an adversary in allied clothing. 'Obsession with Erdogan has always distorted Turkey policy in Washington,' Soner Cagaptay, author of 'Erdogan’s Empire: Turkey and the Politics of the Middle East,' told Today’s WorldView. (...) Erdogan is reviled, especially by the American foreign policy establishment. And so Washington 'distorts Turkey’s policy in the other direction,' said Cagaptay, seeing only the mustachioed would-be autocrat in Ankara, while ignoring widespread concerns, shared by many of Erdogan’s domestic opponents, over the dangers of a Syrian Kurdish statelet emerging on the Turkish border."

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IntelNews vom 15.10.2019

"Trump thought Erdoğan was 'bluffing' about invading Syria, sources claim"

Einem auf anonymen Insider-Informationen basierenden Bericht zufolge soll US-Präsident Trump vor seiner Entscheidung für einen Truppenabzug aus Nordsyrien davon überzeugt gewesen sein, dass die Türkei einen Einmarsch in Syrien nicht wagen würde. "The Axios report claims that, until last week, the White House thought that 'Erdoğan would never actually go through with his long-threatened Syria invasion', because doing so would be detrimental to Turkish interests in the region. Based on that conviction, President Trump finally decided to call Erdoğan’s bluff by pulling American Special Forces troops out of northern Syria, in the belief that Tukey’s response would amount to nothing further than a few airstrikes and small-scale cross-border incursions. That belief was behind the White House’s surprise decision to suddenly pull its troops from northern Syria, according to Axios’ sources."

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Middle East Online vom 15.10.2019

"Trump punishes Turkey with economic sanctions"

US-Präsident Trump will die Türkei in Nordsyrien durch harte Sanktionen zu einem Waffenstillstand zwingen. "Trump announced the measures as he came under intense pressure at home for appearing to at first give the green light to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who is seeking to crush US-backed Kurdish fighters in war-ravaged Syria. 'I am fully prepared to swiftly destroy Turkey's economy if Turkish leaders continue down this dangerous and destructive path,' Trump, who until recently spoken of his friendship with Erdogan, said in a statement. The president said he had issued an executive order to allow sanctions on sitting and former Turkish officials - although he has not yet imposed them - and was immediately ending talks on a US-Turkey trade deal he valued at $100 billion, a goal mentioned by Erdogan when he welcomed a US delegation last month. Trump also said he was reimposing tariffs of 50 percent on Turkish steel - one of a series of measures taken last year to win the release of a detained US pastor, and which contributed to a plunge in the value of the country's lira currency."

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The Moscow Times vom 14.10.2019

"Russia Is the New Referee in the Middle East"

Die russische Regierung werde aus der aktuellen Krise in Syrien diplomatisch gestärkt hervorgehen, erwartet Maxim Trudolyubov. Moskau habe gegenüber Ankara klar gemacht, dass es die aktuelle Offensive, aber keine dauerhafte "illegale" Präsenz ausländischer Truppen in Syrien dulden werde. "Russia’s overarching goal now is to maintain and possibly advance its carefully cultivated role as a preeminent power broker at the world’s most difficult crossroad, the Middle East. So far, Moscow has been successful in attaining recognition of its efforts in the region from players as diverse as Iran, Israel, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Turkey. Most leaders of those countries may not want to sit down for a conversation between themselves, but each of them, separately from the others, is talking to Putin."

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Defense One vom 14.10.2019

"Trump Made His Real Syria Mistakes Months Ago"

Nach Ansicht von Daniel DePetris hat US-Präsident Trump seinen tatsächlichen strategischen Fehler in Syrien dagegen bereits vor Monaten begangen. Nach der Zerschlagung des IS-Kalifats hätte die US-Regierung auf einen Deal zwischen der Assad-Regierung und den Kurden drängen und sich danach zurückziehen müssen, so DePetris. "One can draw a straight line between the bloody fight going on in north Syria and Trump’s reluctance 10 months earlier to pull American troops out of the country. From the moment the United States chose to stick around, the administration deliberately chose to transform the mission from battling the Islamic State to serving as the external protector of Kurdish aspirations in Syria’s north. Washington’s troop presence, in turn, gave Kurdish officials false hope that the U.S. would indefinitely deter a Turkish invasion from the north that, based on Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s rhetoric and actions, would occur sooner or later. (...) While there is no love lost between the Kurds and the Assad regime, the two were at least open to a detente of sorts. An agreement would have given both sides something to savor: for Assad, overall control in a part of Syria that has been out of his reach since the start of Syria’s war 9 years ago; for the Kurds, a deterrent against a Turkish assault. Regrettably, Washington refused to endorse such an arrangement and even obliquely threatened the Kurds with a loss of support should they approach Damascus."

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New York Post vom 14.10.2019

"Trump is repeating key Obama Middle East mistakes"

Rich Lowry wirft US-Präsident Trump vor, mit dem Truppenabzug aus Syrien denselben "Fehler" zu begehen, wie Amtsvorgänger Obama in Irak. Trumps Begründung, dass sich die USA endlich aus den Kriegen im Nahen Osten zurückziehen sollten, hält er nicht für überzeugend. "Just like Obama’s withdrawal from Iraq, Trump’s pullback in Syria is a belated reaction to the Iraq war. Obviously, there is no political support on the right or left for invading and occupying a Middle Eastern country with tens of thousands of troops again. But there’s a vast distance between the height of the occupation of Iraq, when we had 150,000 troops fighting a war of counterinsurgency, and our minimal commitment in Syria aimed at creating and supporting a proxy force to do the hard fighting against ISIS. To throw both the Syria and Iraq interventions together under the rubric of 'endless war' is to fail to make distinctions. (...) Obama triumphantly exited Iraq, only to have to go back in when things spun out of control. If Trump wants to be done with Syria, it might not be done with him."

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Guardian vom 14.10.2019

"Trump and Syria: the worst week for US foreign policy since the Iraq invasion?"

Julian Borger spricht angesichts des "atemberaubenden" Tempos der Entwicklungen der letzten Tage von der "schlimmsten Woche" der US-Außenpolitik seit der Irak-Invasion 2003. "The descent of US foreign policy into chaos is a reflection of a broader failure of its political system. The constitution is supposed to give Congress a decisive say in treaties and the declaration of war, just as it is supposed to stop the US president from receiving emoluments from foreign powers. None of that is functioning, mostly because Trump has a demagogic hold on the Republican party, whose members fear political obliteration if they dissent. (...) At each new demonstration of the president’s venality and volatility, there are predictions that the tide is about to turn, even Republicans have had enough and the republic is about to reassert itself. Such predictions may eventually come true, but it may well be too late for US credibility as an ally. It is already too late for the Kurds."

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Reuters vom 14.10.2019

"As options narrow on Syria, Trump prepares to drop sanctions hammer on Turkey"

US-Präsident Trump will die Türkei für die Offensive in Nordsyrien mit harten Wirtschaftssanktionen bestrafen, berichtet Reuters. "After Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said on Friday that Trump had authorized 'very powerful' new sanctions targeting Turkey, the administration appeared ready to start making good on Trump’s threat to obliterate Turkey’s economy. (...) A U.S. official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Reuters that sanctions were 'being worked out at all levels of the government for rollout.' Trump is struggling to quell harsh criticism, including from some of his staunchest Republican backers, that he gave Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan a green light to attack the Kurds last Sunday when he decided to pull a small number of U.S. troops out of the border area."

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The Hill vom 13.10.2019

"Time to weigh options for a new course of action in Syria"

Ahmed Charai vom Atlantic Council bezweifelt, dass neue US-Sanktionen gegen die Türkei den militärischen Vormarsch Ankaras aufhalten werden. Langfristig sei es für Washington möglicherweise erfolgversprechender, eine neue Strategie gegenüber der Assad-Regierung zu verfolgen. "If Syria’s northeast could be peacefully reincorporated into the Syrian state under negotiated terms, that might offer some hope of averting a protracted Turkish-Kurdish war and opening a space for the Islamic State to reemerge. After all, Turkey might have few qualms about all-out conflict with a newly isolated Kurdish militia, but the prospect of war with Syria — and, by extension, its Iranian patron — would be another matter entirely. Successfully executing such a gambit would require a degree of diplomatic nimbleness seldom seen. (...) Should this vision be politically or practically unrealizable, America’s last, best option would be an ad hoc combination of military re-commitment (which a careful reading of Kurdish rhetoric indicates is still possible), economic deterrence, and diplomatic reconciliation. It would require President Trump to reconsider his decision to withdraw American troops without consulting America’s allies, to deploy them to the Syrian-Turkish border, and to offer Ankara a calibrated package of political and economic disincentives to halt its military operations."

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Foreign Affairs vom 10.10.2019

"The End of Asylum"

Nach Ansicht von Nanjala Nyabola ist es nur noch eine Frage der Zeit, wann sich die liberale Weltordnung vom bisher geltenden Prinzip des Asylrechts verabschieden wird. "Around the world, rich and poor countries alike are pulling up their drawbridges, slashing the number of refugees they are willing to accept, and denying asylum to those who might have been admitted in the past. Europe, for instance, sank to a new nadir in the summer of 2019 by criminalizing rescue in the Mediterranean, allowing preventable deaths at sea, and forcibly returning vulnerable people to torture and indefinite detention in Libya. In Africa, Asia, and South America, the mood is much the same. (...) Both of the ideas embedded in the historical definition of asylum — inviolability and protection — are under attack as never before. (...) Few political leaders anywhere in the world are willing to defend the inviolability of the right to asylum. And this is how asylum will end — in a low boil of ambivalence that will eventually consume this foundational principle of the liberal order."

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Center for Security Studies vom 10.10.2019

"Die strategische Autonomie Europas und die USA"

Jack Thompson über einen möglichen Beitrag Europas für eine weiterhin konstruktive transatlantische Beziehung mit den USA. "Traditionell stehen die USA Vorstössen zur Stärkung der strategischen Autonomie Europas kritisch gegenüber. Die Trump-Regierung versucht, diese zu untergraben. Jedoch erkennen immer mehr US-Politiker*innen und Analyst*innen den Wert eines unabhängigeren, handlungsfähigeren Europas. Langfristig könnte die strategische Autonomie Europas zu einem unverzichtbaren Element einer konstruktiven transatlantischen Beziehung werden." Thompsons Beitrag ist auf der Seite als PDF-Download verfügar.

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