US-Soldaten in Afghanistan

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15.02.2019

"Sunni Jihad Is Going Local"

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/02/sunni-jihad-turns-away-transnational-terrorism/582745/

Dschihadisten in Ländern wie Irak und Syrien werden sich nach Überzeugung von Hassan Hassan künftig weniger auf den Export der Gewalt in den Westen, sondern auf die Ausweitung ihres Einflusses in den sunnitischen Gemeinden vor Ort konzentrieren. "For decades, Sunni jihadism has been characterized by transnational terrorism, suicide bombing, and excommunication. These three pillars not only attracted the ire of American and European governments, but turned off many of the jihadists’ target constituents, namely Sunnis living in the Muslim world. Yet there are signs that Sunni extremists are changing their ways, drifting away from the global agenda that reached its apotheosis in al-Qaeda’s attack on the World Trade Center, and toward a hyperlocal one."

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14.02.2019

"Germany Preps a Plan B for Trump’s Foreign-Policy ‘Zigzag’"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/02/germany-preps-plan-b-uncertain-america-foreign-
policy/582715/?utm_source=feed

Emily Schultheis und Uri Friedman berichten über die Bemühungen der deutschen Politik, eine angemessene Antwort auf den außenpolitischen "Zick-Zack-Kurs" von US-Präsident Trump zu finden. "In many ways, the world order remains unchanged: The U.S. has not pulled out of NATO or formally called its commitments to the military alliance into question, and the transatlantic bond, while weakened, still consists of shared security, economic, and even cultural ties. Ask any major politician here, and they’ll argue that the relationship with Washington remains relevant and important. (...) But the dynamic under the surface has experienced a real change. At first, the hope remained that the president’s advisers could moderate his more impulsive tendencies. But one by one (...) those advisers have left — leaving German diplomats with few strong contacts in the administration (...). And though no one would say (publicly, at least) that they worry about Trump pulling the U.S. out of NATO, there’s a sense among German leaders and policy types that it’s difficult to trust the U.S. to uphold its end of the bargain security-wise — leading to a call for Europe to think about its own security and foreign-policy interests."

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13.02.2019

"The Trump Administration Wants North Korea to Be the Next Vietnam"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/02/trump-kim-vietnam-model-north-korea/582559/?utm
_source=feed

Das nächste Gipfeltreffen zwischen Donald Trump und Kim Kong Un soll Michael Tatarski zufolge auch deshalb in Hanoi stattfinden, weil die USA Nordkorea am Beispiel Vietnams demonstrieren wollen, welche positiven Folgen eine umfassende Einigung bei den Verhandlungen haben könnte. "In Vietnam’s case, the country emerged in the 1970s from a two-decade war that left millions dead, urban areas impoverished, and huge swaths of the countryside doused with chemical defoliants. A decade of food shortages, economic stagnation, and international isolation followed. But since initiating economic reforms in 1986, it has become one of the fastest-growing economies in the world, lifting millions of people out of poverty along the way. It is a major cog in the global trading network, and an important diplomatic and security partner for the United States in Southeast Asia. Though Vietnam has a pluralistic leadership model that eschews the cult of personality that Kim Jong Un, his father, and his grandfather built around them, it remains a closed political society. The country has a terrible record on human rights, and lacks a free press or any semblance of an opposition, issues that Trump has largely remained silent on and which may well appeal to Kim."

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12.02.2019

„The Afghan Government Is Missing From Afghanistan's Peace Process“

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/02/afghanistan-government-united-states-taliban/58
2487/?utm_source=

Die afghanische Regierung spielt im aktuellen diplomatischen Ringen um eine Lösung des Konflikts im eigenen Land nur eine Nebenrolle. Krishnadev Calamur weist auf die historische Besonderheit dieses Umstands hin: "(...) efforts to resolve similar conflicts typically involve both the government and the main rebel group — even if, at first, the two sides are talking through an intermediary. That is not happening in this case. Kabul’s absence in this process is remarkable. It would be akin to George Mitchell negotiating directly with Irish republicans while cutting the British government out of the process that resulted in peace in Northern Ireland. (...) The government survives because of Western aid and military support; it controls a little more than half of the country’s districts; and corruption and ethnic divisions are widespread. The absence of the Afghan government in a peace process could send a message to the Afghan public about who is — and who isn’t — in charge."

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26.01.2019

"The White House’s Move on Venezuela Is the Least Trumpian Thing It’s Done"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/01/white-house-venezuela-move-surprisingly-un-trum
pian/581329/?utm_source=feed

Uri Friedman hält die Venezuela-Strategie der US-Regierung für untypisch, da sie im Gegensatz zu anderen Initiativen des Präsidenten wie eine "geölte diplomatische Kampagne" ablaufe. Die Politik werde von Ratgebern Trumps vorangetrieben, darunter Sicherheitsberater Bolton, der Venezuela als Teil der amerikanischen Einflusssphäre betrachte. "Trump’s Venezuela policy has been carried out by a cadre of advisers who, unlike the president himself, either emphasize American values (Mike Pence) or advocate an interventionist approach to Washington’s enemies (John Bolton and, to a lesser extent, his predecessor H. R. McMaster). Bolton, in particular, has articulated a kind of neo–Monroe Doctrine in which Venezuela is of special significance because it falls within the United States’ regional sphere of influence. It’s 'in our hemisphere,' he observed on Thursday, when asked why Trump has punished Maduro while praising other authoritarian leaders. (...) The Republican Senator Marco Rubio, who has called for the Venezuelan military to overthrow Maduro and who brokered a 2017 meeting between Trump and the Venezuelan human-rights activist Lilian Tintori that helped steer Trump in a more hard-line direction, has also played an influential role in crafting the administration’s aggressive posture."

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24.01.2019

"NATO Fears That This Town Will Be the Epicenter of Conflict With Russia"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/01/narva-scenario-nato-conflict-russia-estonia/581
089/?utm_source=feed

Josh Rubin, früherer Mitarbeiter im US-Außenministerium, hat die Stadt Narva in Estland besucht, die nach Einschätzung der NATO zum ersten Ziel einer russischen "Invasion" werden könnte. "If you haven’t heard of Narva, you might very soon. This small, mostly Russian-speaking city lies along Estonia’s boundary with Russia, separated geographically from its larger neighbor only by a partially frozen river. (...) This city is also the epicenter of what could be an epic challenge for Western military alliances — what nato calls the 'Narva scenario' — one that would test the foundation underpinning the security partnership."

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23.01.2019

"America Still Doesn’t Know What to Do With Terrorism Suspects"

https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2019/01/uss-cole-america-terrorists/580990/?utm_source=feed

Fast zwanzig Jahre nach dem Anschlag auf den US-Zerstörer "USS Cole" in Jemen habe die US-Regierung immer noch keine überzeugende Strategie für den Umgang mit Terrorverdächtigen entwickelt, stellt Kathy Gilsinan fest. "(...) the U.S. still hasn’t fully settled the question of how to bring terrorism suspects to justice — and the diverging fates of two of the Cole plotters show how the confused approach haunts U.S. national security. In the first case, Jamal al-Badawi, who helped coordinate logistics for the attack, was caught, tried, and incarcerated in Yemen, where he escaped prison twice and was finally set free before being killed in an American air strike this month. In the second, Abd al-Rahim al-Nashiri, the actual alleged mastermind of the attack, remains in legal purgatory in Guantánamo Bay — yet another pretrial hearing took place this week — in part because his confessions were obtained under torture. Their stories demonstrate not just the failures of some U.S. counterterrorism experiments, but just how difficult those failures are to correct."

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18.01.2019

"What to Expect From Trump-Kim Take Two"

https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2019/01/trump-kim-north-korea-second-summit/580855/?utm_sour
ce=feed

Uri Friedman erwartet, dass das für Ende Februar geplante zweite Gipfeltreffen zwischen US-Präsident Trump und Nordkoreas Staatschef Kim Jong Un im Hinblick auf die Denuklearisierung Nordkoreas ebenso ergebnisarm enden wird wie das erste Treffen in Singapur. "(...) seven months after Trump became the first American president to meet with a North Korean leader, boasting afterward that 'there is no longer a Nuclear Threat from North Korea,' Pyongyang’s nuclear-weapons program remains at least as formidable as it was the day before Trump and Kim shook hands in Singapore. Even as North and South Korea have made remarkable strides in reconciling — demilitarizing parts of their heavily fortified border, for example, and exploring ways to connect their railroads — efforts to achieve the 'final, fully verified denuclearization of North Korea,' as the administration likes to refer to it, have gone nearly nowhere. (...) U.S. officials will spend the next month seeking to line up 'deliverables' for the summit. But there’s no accounting for what happens when their boss gets in the room with Kim Jong Un."

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16.01.2019

"The Lessons, and the Costs, of Terrorism in Kenya"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/01/nairobi-terrorism-kenya-costs-shabaab/580561/?u
tm_source=feed

Tristan McConnell erinnert nach dem jüngsten Terroranschlag in Nairobi an einen ähnlichen Angriff auf ein Einkaufszentrum in der Hauptstadt Kenias vor fünf Jahren. Die Sicherheitskräfte hätten diesmal deutlich schneller und professioneller reagiert. "The similarities to the Westgate attack are stark — four gunmen raiding a prominent city landmark in a bid to inflict as many casualties as possible while attracting as much attention as possible. But there are differences, too, for better and worse. Westgate was, in the end, defined by ineptitude and failures. The response was so slow that by the time security forces entered the mall, most of those shot were already dead. Turf wars between the army and police led to a botched rescue operation and a deadly friendly-fire incident. But on Tuesday, the army stayed away, and command was handed to a specialist paramilitary police unit that arrived quickly and worked effectively."

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14.01.2019

"Unthinkable - 50 Moments That Define an Improbable Presidency"

https://www.theatlantic.com/unthinkable/

Das Atlantic-Magazin hat 50 Artikel zusammengetragen, die sich mit prägenden Momenten der ersten beiden Amtsjahre von US-Präsident Trump beschäftigen. "This week marks the midway point of Trump’s term. Like many Americans, we sometimes find the velocity of chaos unmanageable. We find it hard to believe, for example, that we are engaged in a serious debate about whether the president of the United States is a Russian-intelligence asset. So we decided to pause for a moment and analyze 50 of the most improbable, norm-bending, and destructive incidents of this presidency to date."

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13.01.2019

"Want to Cultivate a Liberal European Islam? Look to Bosnia."

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/01/bosnia-offers-model-liberal-european-islam/5795
29/?utm_source=feed

Auf der Suche nach einem liberalen Islam für Europa empfiehlt Riada Ašimović Akyol einen Blick nach Bosnien-Herzegowina. "What is too little noticed (...) is that a tolerant European Islam has already existed for centuries — on the southeastern part of the continent, where Bosnian Muslims, Albanians, Turks, and others see themselves as fully Muslim and fully European. A 2013 Pew Research Center study shows that they’re among the most liberal Muslims in the world. For example, only tiny minorities of surveyed Bosnian Muslims, known as Bosniaks, think adulterers must be stoned and apostates executed, in contrast with large majorities in favor of both stances among Pakistani and Egyptian Muslims. The case of my people, Bosniaks, is particularly instructive. It shows how attitudes toward Islam can evolve over time and how its adherents — with the help of progressive theologians and intellectuals — can embrace modernity without abandoning their religious identity."

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02.01.2019

"The President Who Wants to Break Up His Own Country"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/01/serb-president-dodik-bosnia/579199/

Maxim Edwards schreibt in seiner Analyse der politischen Situation in Bosnien-Herzegowina, dass der serbischstämmige Präsident Milorad Dodik die Teilung des eigenen Landes anstrebe. "Dodik isn’t just fighting battles at home, either. While he supports Bosnia’s bid to join the European Union, he is opposed to the country joining nato, which decided last month to start a membership action plan for Bosnia. It’s no surprise, then, that Dodik is characterized in the West as pro-Russian, a label he flaunts. (...) Russia’s ties to Dodik need not be such a cause for alarm, argues Dimitar Bechev, the director of the European Policy Institute — a think tank based in Sofia, Bulgaria — and the author of a book about Russia’s role in the Balkans. In an email exchange, Bechev noted that Moscow’s influence over Dodik means the Kremlin also has the ability to restrain him."

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03.12.2018

"Why Countries Aren’t Sanctioning the Saudi Government Over Khashoggi"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/12/west-punishes-saudis-targeted-sanctions-keeps-t
ies/577240/?utm_source=feed

Westliche Regierungen hätten ihre Sanktionen nach dem Mord am Journalisten Jamal Khashoggi bewusst gegen bestimmte saudi-arabische Personen und nicht gegen die Regierung in Riad gerichtet, schreibt Yasmeen Serhan. Mit dieser Sanktionsstrategie könnten die Regierungen Menschenrechtsbedenken bekräftigen, ohne geopolitische Interessen zu gefährden. "Through the Global Magnitsky Act and laws like it, governments have been able to inflict reprisals against human-rights-offending countries by imposing targeted sanctions against those directly responsible for the abuses. (...) Targeting individuals directly, as Canada and others have done in the case of Saudi Arabia, ensures that those directly responsible for the crime face the consequences. And while such sanctions don’t necessarily result in conviction or imprisonment, they do hit targets where it counts: their wallets. Indeed, assets frozen as a result of such sanctions have totaled hundreds of millions of dollars. But perhaps most important, targeted sanctions allow governments to save diplomatic face. By going after specific individuals, rather than a broader government, countries imposing sanctions don’t have to worry about the political ramifications of the decision, nor of diplomatic reprisals."

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28.11.2018

"The Beginning of the End of the Korean War"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/11/north-korea-wont-denuclearize-reconciliation-mo
on-kim/576745/?utm_source=feed

Uri Friedman stellt fest, dass der Aussöhnungsprozess zwischen Nord- und Südkorea mittlerweile schneller voranschreitet als die Verhandlungen zur Denuklearisierung des Nordens. Die US-Regierung beobachte diese Entwicklung mit wachsendem Unwillen, da sie befürchte, dass Sanktionen gegen Nordkorea ohne entsprechende Gegenleistungen aufgehoben werden könnten. "Ultimately, Seoul views renewed military hostilities on the Korean peninsula as a greater threat to South Korea than North Korea’s nuclear weapons, argues Chun Yung Woo, a former South Korean national-security adviser who is a conservative critic of Moon. If U.S. officials grow 'frustrated with North Korea’s intransigence [on denuclearization] … and Trump runs out of patience — he can no longer claim victory, and he has no other option but to return to military options, maximum pressure — then I think there will be a rift' in the alliance, he told me. 'President Moon will be on a collision course with the U.S.' As James Acton, an expert on nuclear policy, has observed, 'You can be simultaneously optimistic about peace building between the Koreas and pessimistic about the denuclearization of the North. Big question, though, is whether the US can tolerate the former without the latter.'"

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01.11.2018

"If Terrorists Launch a Major Cyberattack, We Won’t See It Coming"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/11/terrorist-cyberattack-midterm-elections/574504/
?utm_source=feed

Kathy Gilsinan schreibt, dass die ersten Warnungen vor einem verheerenden terroristischen Cyberangriff in den USA vor 15 Jahren laut geworden sind. Mittlerweile fragen sich demnach auch einige Experten, warum dieser Notfall bisher nicht eingetreten sei. "(...) a generation of tech-savvy jihadists has exploited the internet to attract recruits, share bomb-making expertise, and incite violence. Yet they haven’t managed to pull off the devastating cyberattacks that experts have long feared. With just days left before Americans go to the polls for midterm elections, it is worth considering: Why not? 'I’m as puzzled as you are,' said Michael Hayden, who served as CIA director from 2004 to 2008. 'These folks are not cyberdumb.' (...) Three main barriers are likely preventing this. For one, cyberattacks can lack the kind of drama and immediate physical carnage that terrorists seek. Identifying the specific perpetrator of a cyberattack can also be difficult, meaning terrorists might have trouble reaping the propaganda benefits of clear attribution. Finally, and most simply, it’s possible that they just can’t pull it off."

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26.10.2018

"Why the Mail Bomber Wasn’t Charged With Terrorism"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/10/mail-bomb-terrorism-cesar-sayoc/574144/?utm_sou
rce=feed

Kathy Gilsinan erläutert, warum der festgenommene Verdächtige, dem der Versand von Paketbomben an mehrere Trump-Gegner vorgeworfen wird, nicht als "Terrorist" angeklagt worden ist. "In the United States, the most frequently used terrorism-related charge, by far, is for providing 'material support' to a foreign terrorist organization. Support can mean anything from offering money or advice to showing up in person to help a group that is on the State Department’s designated list of terrorist organizations. (...) For domestic actors without such connections, the law — and the intelligence community’s investigative powers — runs up against First Amendment and other civil-liberties protections. The U.S. government does not formally designate domestic terrorist organizations. So it may not be illegal to give money to a domestic extremist group like Aryan Nations, even if some members commit violence. (...) In effect, whether a suspect gets formal 'terrorism' charges or not, the justice system still allows for harsh punishment. Sessions noted that if convicted, Sayoc could face up to 50 years in prison. But the political discussion remains acute and divisive."

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25.10.2018

"Khashoggi’s Murder Heralds a New Era of Impunity"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/10/ugly-geopolitics-jamal-khashoggi-murder/574039/
?utm_source=feed

Die Reaktionen vieler Regierungen auf die Ermordung des Journalisten Jamal Khashoggi sind nach Ansicht von Uri Friedman Ausdruck einer "hässlichen Geopolitik". "In a world in which more nationalistic, narcissistic countries are locked in competition, human rights and the rule of law be damned, it is quite possible that those responsible for the journalist’s death will escape serious consequences — that Khashoggi will be the victim not just of his executioners, but also of a more cutthroat, coldhearted world. There’s been a lot of talk by U.S., European, Turkish, and Saudi officials about 'accountability' in recent days but, thus far, comparatively little holding to account of those who orchestrated the hit at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul this month. (...) For their part, Britain, France, and Germany have demanded that the Saudi government be more forthcoming about Khashoggi’s killing and taken to task for it. But while Berlin has suspended future arms sales to the kingdom, Paris and London — which send substantially more military equipment to the Saudis than Germany does — have yet to go that far."

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23.10.2018

"The Caravan Is a Challenge to the Integrity of U.S. Borders"

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/caravan-challenges-integrity-us-borders/573691/

In den USA gibt es derzeit eine erhitzte Debatte über den Umgang mit dem Marsch tausender Migranten aus Mittelamerika in Richtung der Vereinigten Staaten. David Frum erläutert die Argumente beider Seiten und meint, dass die USA trotz manch fragwürdiger Äußerungen des US-Präsidenten ihre Grenzen nicht einfach unkontrolliert öffnen dürfen, da sonst politische Folgen wie bei der Flüchtlingskrise in Europa drohen. "The theory behind the caravans — this latest, and its smaller predecessors over the past 15 years — is that Central Americans have valid asylum claims in the United States because of the pervasive underemployment and gang-violence problems in their countries. If that claim is true, that is a claim shared not only among the thousands in the current caravan, but the millions back home. A 2013 Pew survey found that 58 percent of Salvadorans would move to the United States if they could. The seven countries of Central America together have a population of some 45 million, or about the same as Mexico’s back in 1970, when the mass migration from that nation began. Things happen much faster in the 2010s than they did in the 1970s. When Germany temporarily suspended its border rules in August 2015, almost a million migrants surged into the country within the next four months. That surge continued into 2016. Its political effects linger still: It was crucial to the British vote to quit the European Union, to the election of a reactionary government in Poland, to the political revival of Viktor Orbán in Hungary, and to the collapse of center-left parties in France, Italy, Sweden, and Germany."

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15.10.2018

"The Irony of Turkey's Crusade for a Missing Journalist"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/10/turkey-saudi-jamal-khashoggi/573052/?utm_source
=feed

Die kalkulierte Reaktion der Türkei auf das Verschwinden des saudi-arabischen Journalisten Jamal Khashoggi kann nach Ansicht von Krishnadev Calamur aus zwei Perspektiven erklärt werden: "(...) the countries in the region see Erdogan, along with Qatar, as the main supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood. (...) But Khashoggi’s disappearance and, if Turkish leaks are to be believed, death at the hands of a Saudi death squad inside the consulate is a chilling development. 'This must have sent shivers down the spines of dissidents from Egypt and from Gulf countries in Turkey because it [suggests] that they're not really safe in Turkey,' [Soner Cagaptay, who is director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute,] said. 'And that's why I think Erdogan has to find a way that whatever path the Saudis take to dig out of this, it becomes very clear that it won't happen again, it won't be repeated because that will hugely undermine Erdogan's design to maintain a lever against Egypt and GCC-bloc countries through supporting the opposition, predominantly by hosting Muslim Brotherhood dissidents.' (...) Erdogan’s (...) approach to Saudi Arabia is different. The Turkish president is a devout conservative Sunni Muslim and respects Saudi King Salman as the custodian of Islam’s two holy mosques. Revelations about the Khashoggi case are marked not only by their anonymity, but also by the fact that no senior Turkish officials has gone on the record about the case, and Erdogan himself has mostly been quiet, perhaps hoping that a neat solution emerges that allows everyone to save face."

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04.10.2018

"Trump’s Counterterrorism Strategy Is a Relief"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/10/trump-counterterrorism-strategy/572170/?utm_sou
rce=feed

US-Präsident Trump hat 21 Monate nach seinem Wahlsieg eine Nationale Strategie zur Terrorismusbekämpfung vorgelegt. Joshua Geltzer, der in der Obama-Regierung als beratender Sicherheitsexperte tätig war, zeigt sich "erleichtert", da er in dem Papier keinen echten Richtungswechsel erkennt. "What we have, then, is a counterterrorism strategy that seems to shrug at some of Trump’s political priorities while embracing the institutional memory and best practices built up under his predecessors. That is, the document displays the wisdom of the counterterrorism professionals who, despite the White House’s rhetorical excesses, remain focused on protecting Americans at home and abroad. (...) For that very reason, the new strategy raises the same big question raised by Trump’s 2017 National Security Strategy: Is it actually the president’s strategy? Recall that that document felt, by and large, like one that other presidents could have issued, with a focus on rising great-power rivals, an acknowledgment of the continued threat posed by terrorism, and a warning about mounting cyber-related dangers. It’s as if the speech that Trump gave introducing the strategy was written by someone else entirely."

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30.09.2018

"The United States Could End the War in Yemen If It Wanted To"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/09/iran-yemen-saudi-arabia/571465/?utm_source=feed

Mohamad Bazzi meint, dass die US-Regierung schnell zur Beendigung des Krieges in Jemen beitragen könnte, wenn sie stärkeren Druck auf ihre Verbündeten in Saudi-Arabien und den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten ausüben würde. "By accepting the coalition’s cosmetic attempts to minimize civilian casualties, the Trump administration is signaling to Saudi and Emirati leaders its apparent belief that a clear military victory in Yemen remains possible. And as long as the coalition believes it can crush the Houthis, there’s little incentive for it to negotiate. (...) After the Trump administration’s endorsement this month, the Saudi-UAE alliance has even less incentive to prevent civilian casualties and new humanitarian disasters. Saudi Arabia and its allies are more likely to accept a peace process if it is clear that the United States won’t support an open-ended war in Yemen and won’t provide the military assistance required to keep the war apparatus going. But Trump has shown little sign of pressuring his Saudi and Emirati allies, least of all over Yemen."

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23.09.2018

"Latin America Gets Its Own Migrant Crisis"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/09/venezuela-migrants/570979/?utm_source=feed

Die innenpolitische Krise in Venezuela habe eine Flüchtlingswelle ausgelöst, die in Lateinamerika ähnliche politische Folgen wie in Europa haben könnte, schreibt Krishnadev Calamur. "If the European migrant crisis is any indication, Venezuela’s neighbors are unlikely to remain welcoming for long. European nations like Germany and Sweden, which opened their arms to migrants in the early days of the crisis, quickly soured on the new arrivals, with dramatic political consequences. There’s also the fact that Latin-American nations are far poorer than those in the European Union — something that’s sure to become a destabilizing political issue for a place like Colombia, Santos, the Colombian ambassador, said. Citing sympathetic coverage in Colombia of the migrant crisis, Bury said that while Colombia is more accepting of newcomers than other places, 'the situation [with Venezuelans] is a bit newer. … But when we’re talking about almost 2 million people coming into the country, there will be a limit for sure.'"

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20.09.2018

"Germany’s Summer of Identity Crisis"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/09/germany-spy-chief-far-right-disinformation/5708
86/?utm_source=feed

Emily Schultheis betrachtet die aktuelle deutsche Debatte über den entlassenen Verfassungsschutz-Chef Hans-Georg Maaßen aus amerikanischer Perspektive als Ausdruck einer tiefergehenden "Identitätskrise". "The Maassen story seemed to weave together a number of questions Germany is wrestling with — the rise of the far right, the debate over disinformation and reality, and the future of immigration policy. Though some of these questions have simmered beneath the surface since the end of World War II, recent debates over German identity, society, and history have thrown the country into something of an existential crisis: What does it mean to be German? And what is Germany’s relationship to its own dark history?"

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19.09.2018

"South Korea May Have Just Helped Break a Nuclear Impasse"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/09/north-south-korea-summit/570577/?utm_source=fee
d

Der südkoreanische Präsident habe dem stockenden Verhandlungsprozess zwischen Nordkorea und den USA durch sein Gipfeltreffen mit Kim Jong-un einen wichtigen Impuls gegeben, schreibt Uri Friedman. "As the arms-control expert Tom Collina has observed, we’ve reached the point in nuclear negotiations where it’s as if North Korea has offered to sell the United States a house, but critical details like the price and the closing date — and even the extent to which North Korea is still upgrading the home — remain unclear. In Pyongyang this week, Moon Jae In attempted to reaffirm that a house is indeed coming on the market and to ferret out more information on its dimensions and the process for making a down payment — to make as clear as possible, in other words, that the house is something more than a dream."

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16.09.2018

"America Needs an Entirely New Foreign Policy for the Trump Age"

https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/09/shield-of-the-republic-a-democratic-foreign-policy-for-
the-trump-age/570010/?utm_source=feed

Peter Beinart ist aufgefallen, dass die US-Demokraten Präsident Trump in der Außenpolitik regelmäßig von rechts attackieren. Dies sei problematisch, da sich die Parteispitze damit von ihrer Basis und deren berechtigten Zweifeln an der interventionistischen US-Politik abwende. "Trump’s election — which followed anti-interventionist rebellions by Ross Perot, Jerry Brown, Pat Buchanan, Ralph Nader, Ron Paul, and Bernie Sanders — was a disastrous response to a legitimate and enduring discontent. The choice facing Democrats in the Trump era is whether to join a hawkish alliance that aims to suppress that discontent or whether to channel it in a progressive direction. Hawks will denounce any foreign policy that abandons unipolarity as defeatist, a harbinger of national decline. But the progressive activists remaking the Democratic Party suspect, with good reason, that the pursuit of global dominance has been not an alternative to national decline but one of its causes. If in the coming years those activists articulate an agenda for shielding the republic — in which the U.S. protects the dignity and freedoms of its people, grants other powerful nations deference near their borders, and works with them to the solve the common problems that plague humanity — they will not be retreating from America’s best foreign policy traditions. They will be ushering in their long overdue return."

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11.09.2018

"September 11 Spawned Nearly a Generation of U.S. War in Afghanistan"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/09/9-11-us-troops-afghanistan/569803/?utm_source=f
eed

Krishnadev Calamur lässt in seinem Zwischenfazit des 17 Jahre andauernden Kriegs der USA in Afghanistan auch Befürworter eines weitergehenden amerikanischen Engagements zu Wort kommen. "Supporters of the continued U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan have cited various reasons for it: that it remains in the national interest; that it is vital to prevent the resurgence of international terrorism; and that it gives the U.S. a geopolitical foothold in the region. Each of those arguments has its own counterargument (...). But Karl Eikenberry, a retired U.S. Army lieutenant general who was U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan from 2009 to 2011, and commander of U.S. forces there before that, said there is also a moral argument about why the U.S. should remain. 'That’s the one that should be debated the most. For 17 years, we’ve been telling the Afghan people — women, minority groups, and youth — that America will stay in the fight until there is a sustainable peace,' he told me. 'Because of the fiscal and geopolitical opportunity costs, it is not in our national interest to remain, and we can reasonably tell ourselves that we’ve done enough. But when we do pull out, we’ll leave behind unfulfilled promises and human tragedy for which we will be culpable.'"

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30.08.2018

"Why Technology Favors Tyranny"

https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/10/yuval-noah-harari-technology-tyranny/568330/

Yuval Noah Harari, Historiker und Philosoph an der Hebrew University of Jerusalem, warnt, dass die fortschreitende Entwicklung von künstlicher Intelligenz und anderer umwälzender Technologien die Macht noch stärker in den Händen einer kleinen Elite konzentrieren und die Grundlagen der Demokratie gefährden könnte. Die Bevölkerung in westlichen Ländern spüre diesen Trend bereits. "In 2018 the common person feels increasingly irrelevant. Lots of mysterious terms are bandied about excitedly in ted Talks, at government think tanks, and at high-tech conferences — globalization, blockchain, genetic engineering, AI, machine learning — and common people, both men and women, may well suspect that none of these terms is about them. In the 20th century, the masses revolted against exploitation and sought to translate their vital role in the economy into political power. Now the masses fear irrelevance, and they are frantic to use their remaining political power before it is too late. Brexit and the rise of Donald Trump may therefore demonstrate a trajectory opposite to that of traditional socialist revolutions."

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29.08.2018

"Inside the Dispute Derailing Nuclear Talks With North Korea"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/08/north-korea-war-declaration/568603/?utm_source=
feed

Uri Friedman hat mit einem südkoreanischen Experten über die Gründe des gegenwärtigen Stockens der Verhandlungen über die nordkoreanische Denuklearisierung gesprochen. Als größtes Hindernis gilt demnach der Streit um eine formale Beendigung des Koreakriegs. "'The current stalemate comes from the difference between North Korea and the U.S. on which comes first': the belligerents from the Korean War proclaiming the conflict over, or North Korea disclosing the components of its nuclear-weapons program and permitting international inspectors to access them, said Moon Chung In, a special adviser to President Moon Jae In for foreign affairs and national security. (...) The crux of the standoff is this: The United States is insisting that North Korea prove its 'sincerity' about denuclearizing by offering a full accounting of its nuclear and missile program, accepting international inspections, and perhaps giving up a certain portion of its nuclear warheads early in negotiations, Moon told me. But North Korea insists progress on peace should come first, as it does in the numbered joint statement Trump and Kim signed in Singapore. The 'North Koreans are saying, 'No, we agreed on a new relationship. And a declaration to end the war in Korea will be the most important token of [the] new relationship,'' said Moon."

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25.08.2018

"It’s Time to Stop Talking About Terrorists As If They’re Diabolical Geniuses"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/08/asiri-al-qaeda/568459/?utm_source=feed

Angesichts neuer Berichte über den angeblichen Tod des Al-Qaida-Bombenbauers Ibrahim al-Asiri meint Gregory D. Johnsen, dass es an der Zeit sei, die Bedeutung einzelner Terroristen nicht länger maßlos zu überschätzen. "(...) Asiri is not unique. He is simply the name we know. Indeed, after residing in Yemen for more than a decade, spending much of that time on the run from U.S. drones, it is almost certain that he has trained multiple aspiring bombmakers to eventually replace him. That is the problem with personalizing the war against groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State: We inflate our enemies into larger-than-life villains who reflect our fears rather than their own capabilities. We did it with Osama bin Laden and Anwar al-Awlaki, and now we are doing it with Ibrahim al-Asiri. By talking about them as masterminds with irreplaceable skillsets, the United States projects the mistaken impression that if they could only be killed, the terrorist threat would be greatly reduced. Bin Laden and Awlaki are dead. Yet al-Qaeda lives on."

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07.08.2018

"Trump Goes From Threatening Iran to Threatening the World"

https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2018/08/trump-iran-tweet/566948/?utm_source=feed

Bei seiner Präsentation der neuen Sanktionen gegen den Iran habe US-Präsident Trump praktisch der ganzen Welt gedroht, stellt Krishnadev Calamur fest. Damit sei nahezu sichergestellt, dass die Sanktionen nicht den gewünschten Effekt haben werden. "Barack Obama’s administration succeeded in putting together coordinated international sanctions on Iran. Those restrictions sunk Iran into a recession and ultimately drove it to negotiations with the international community that resulted in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), as the Iran deal is formally known. Trump’s sanctions, strong though they are, are unlikely to have the same impact, primarily because they don’t have the same kind of international cooperation."

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