US-Soldaten in Afghanistan



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"Video games don’t cause violent crime"

Matthew Yglesias weist auf eine andere Studie hin, der zufolge Videospiele unter jungen Männern sogar zur Reduzierung von Gewalt beitragen können. "(...) according to the best research available, a quasi-experimental study by Scott Cunningham, Benjamin Engelstätter, and Michael R. Ward, it’s just genuinely not the case that video games lead to violent crime. If anything, it’s the opposite: Time spent playing video games reduces the amount of time that young men can get into mischief. (...) The researchers believe the method is what criminal justice scholars call 'incapacitation' — if you are sitting on your couch playing video games you are, by definition, not out on the street making trouble. When it comes to ways to spend time that mainstream society finds uncontroversially wholesome, this mechanism is widely accepted. If you have teenagers doing summer jobs, attending after-school classes, or participating in recreational sports leagues, that keeps them off the streets and out of trouble. It happens to be the case that video games are a more stigmatized pastime than playing sports, but the basic mechanism is exactly the same. If you’re busy gaming, you’re not committing crimes. Gordon Dahl and Stefano DellaVigna used a similar methodology in an earlier paper to study violent movies and found the same thing."

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"'A nasty, brutal fight': what a US-Iran war would look like"

Die USA und der Iran scheinen sich auf einem stetigen Weg in den offenen Konflikt zu befinden. Alex Ward hat acht US-amerikanische Sicherheitspolitiker, Geheimdienstmitarbeiter und Nahostexperten nach ihren Prognosen für einen möglichen Kriegsverlauf gefragt. "The bottom line: It would be hell on earth. 'This would be a violent convulsion similar to chaos of the Arab Spring inflicted on the region for years,' said Ilan Goldenberg, the Defense Department’s Iran team chief from 2009 to 2012, with the potential for it to get 'so much worse than Iraq.' (...) In some ways, then, what comes after the war could be worse than the war itself. It should therefore not be lost on anyone: A US-Iran war would be a bloody hell during and after the fighting. It’s a good thing neither Trump nor Iran’s leadership currently wants a conflict. But if they change their minds, only carnage follows. 'The worst-case scenarios here are quite serious,' [Michael Hanna, a Middle East expert at the Century Foundation in New York,] told me."

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"George Soros and Charles Koch team up for a common cause: an end to 'endless war'"


Die beiden US-Milliardäre George Soros und Charles Koch, die in vielen politischen Fragen kaum übereinstimmen, haben den neuen Think-Tank "Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft" gegründet, der sich für ein Ende der "endlosen Kriege" der USA und der amerikanischen Interventionspolitik einsetzen soll. "Soros is, of course, widely hated on the right for his support of liberalized immigration and is frequently the target of anti-Semitic conspiracy theories. Koch, meanwhile, has come under fire for his contributions to the Republican Party and his opposition to climate policies. (...) 'The foreign policy of the United States has become detached from any defensible conception of U.S. interests and from a decent respect for the rights and dignity of humankind,' the institute argues in the initial statement on its website. It aims to promote 'ideas that move U.S. foreign policy away from endless war and toward vigorous diplomacy in the pursuit of international peace.' Soros and Koch don’t see eye to eye on much, but on this they’re in agreement."

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"Thousands of Algerians are protesting to force their ailing dictator to step aside"

Die Absicht des langjährigen Präsidenten Abdelaziz Bouteflika, bei den Wahlen am 18. April für eine fünfte Amtszeit anzutreten, hat in Algerien breite Proteste ausgelöst. Alex Ward erklärt die Motivation der Eliten, die weiter hinter Bouteflika stehen, und der Demonstranten, die den Abtritt des Präsidenten fordern. "Algeria’s horrific civil war, fought in the 1990s between the then-government and Islamist insurgents over a disputed election, was marked by torture, terrorist attacks, and other atrocities, and led to more than 200,000 deaths. And it still weighs heavily on the minds of many Algerians, leading many to prefer stability over anything that could potentially reignite violence, experts say. That, in part, has helped Bouteflika remain in power. He’s widely credited for helping his country curb the violence and bounce back economically after he took charge in 1999, lending him extra leeway from the populace. (...) Bouteflika’s coterie, though, has gained tremendous power and wealth during the authoritarian’s rule. After his 2013 stroke, elites in the political, military, and business communities helped run the country in Bouteflika’s name — not only to maintain their authority, but also because there is no consensus successor, experts say. (...) Public demonstrations against the government are extremely rare in Algeria, partly because of the regime’s brutal rule. But there are two main reasons why that has dramatically changed all of a sudden, experts say. First, the economy is in trouble. (...) Second, and more importantly, the population is angered that elites want an incapacitated Bouteflika to lead them again."

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"Why Democrats have no foreign policy ideas"

Zack Beauchamp findet es besorgniserregend, dass die US-Demokraten trotz ihrer Kritik an Präsident Trump nicht in der Lage seien, überzeugende außenpolitische Alternativen zu präsentieren. Nach Ansicht einiger Experten ist dies auch auf die mangelnde Qualität liberaler Thinktanks zurückzuführen. (...) I talked to a half-dozen people with experience in the liberal foreign policy world, ranging from congressional staffers to professors to former White House officials. Most of them pointed the finger at something that might not seem obvious: Think tanks. (...) The best progressive think tanks do excellent work on domestic issues. But in the national security space, most of what they produce is similar to policies produced by down-the-middle centrist operations. (...) No one seems to know how to overcome this. But there’s a clear consensus in liberal circles — even at the highest levels — that the lack of think tank firepower is a real problem."

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"Steve Bannon tried to destroy 'globalism.' It destroyed him instead."

Steve Bannon, der vor wenigen Tagen zurückgetretene Chefstratege im Weißen Haus, sei letztlich am Einfluss der von ihm vehement bekämpften "Globalisten" gescheitert, meint Zack Beauchamp. Ohne Bannon gebe es letztlich auch keine "Trump-Doktrin" mehr. "Trump is neither an ideologist nor a policy wonk; his feelings about the world have little in the way of connective tissue or workable implications. It’s up to others to turn these impulses into an agenda. Bannon had ideas for doing that. They were radical, and he worked — as he said — 'every day' to try to implement them. But he didn’t have much of a support network. (...) Now look at who’s on the other side — the people who want to channel Trump away from Bannon’s vision and toward a more typical approach to foreign policy. Kelly, McMaster, and Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis are well-known for taking basically conventional stances on the big foreign policy issues. As a group, they’re strongly in favor of maintaining traditional American alliances, generally hostile to Vladimir Putin’s Russia, and skeptical of blaming Islam as a religion for jihadist terrorism. (...) The 'globalists,' as Bannon would call them, dominate the White House — the aides on Bannon’s side aren’t even close to their level of influence."

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"Blue America reaches out to the world, ignoring Trump"

Das von Demokraten regierte "Blaue Amerika" habe auf der Ebene von Bundesstaaten und Kommunen begonnen, in der Klimapolitik eine Art "Parallelregierung" zu bilden, berichtet David Roberts. "In recoiling from Trump, states, cities, and institutions are entering into closer cooperation. A coalition is forming, a Blue America, and at least on climate change, it is going beyond mere resistance to a more proactive role, negotiating with the international community on its own behalf, like a separate nation. It is, in foreign policy terms, a remarkable development — and while it seems to offer some near-term hope on climate change, it carries troubling implications for the ongoing stability of the country."

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"Democrats are falling for fake news about Russia"

Im liberalen politischen Spektrum der USA habe sich in der Debatte über die angeblichen Russlandverbindungen des US-Präsidenten eine von Gerüchten und Verschwörungstheorien geprägte Meinungsblase herausgebildet, konstatiert Zack Beauchamp. "The mirror image of Breitbart and InfoWars on the right, it focuses nearly exclusively on real and imagined connections between Trump and Russia. The tone is breathless: full of unnamed intelligence sources, certainty that Trump will soon be imprisoned, and fever dream factual assertions that no reputable media outlet has managed to confirm. (...) Experts on political misinformation see things differently. They worry that the unfounded speculation and paranoia that infect the Russiasphere risk pushing liberals into the same black hole of conspiracy-mongering and fact-free insinuation that conservatives fell into during the Obama years."

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"MOAB, the largest non-nuclear bomb ever used by the US military, explained"

Das US-Militär hat in Afghanistan seine größte konventionelle Bombe eingesetzt und dabei Berichten zufolge über 90 IS-Kämpfer getötet. Zack Beauchamp erläutert die Hintergründe der Operation. "According to experts on weapons and foreign policy, it seems this was a military decision, not a political one, based on the realities on the ground in Afghanistan right now. (...) The more important questions here are the standard ones you should ask after any US airstrike. Did the strike accomplish its objectives? Are the initial reports that there were no civilian casualties correct? Were the appropriate precautions taken to minimize the risks of the strike? Was the strike proportional to the threat, and did the value of the military target justify the risk of killing innocents? The fact that these questions remain unanswered, however, is normal at this point — they usually take a while to fully investigate, and we just heard about the bomb. But just because a larger-than-normal bomb was used here doesn’t mean there’s necessarily anything out of the ordinary."

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"On the ground in Mosul: why the worst-case scenarios are coming true"

Nach den ersten schnellen Erfolgen scheinen sich gegenwärtig alle Schreckensszenarien für die Schlacht um die irakische IS-Hochburg Mosul zu bestätigen, berichtet Jane Ferguson in ihrer Reportage von den Frontlinien. "Iraqi forces have retaken a third of the city east of the Tigris river, but the assault has slowed in recent days as the Iraqi forces entered Mosul’s densely packed streets. The fighting has morphed into bloody street-by-street, building-by-building urban warfare. (...) ISIS suicide bombers are ramming heavily armored trucks into Iraqi positions, killing and maiming soldiers whose machine guns are powerless to stop the Mad Max–looking vehicles. Networks of underground tunnels and pathways through neighborhoods are allowing ISIS fighters to ambush their enemies and then slip away. ISIS fighters set fire to barrels of oil so smoke will obscure their movements and make it harder for US warplanes and drones to target them. The group uses Iraqi civilians, including children, as human shields. ISIS is also mounting sophisticated attacks combining car bombs with teams of fighters armed with suicide belts."

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"4 foreign policy crises that could erupt under President Trump"

Die bisherigen außenpolitischen Äußerungen Donald Trumps lassen Zack Beauchamp, Yochi Dreazen und Jennifer Williams vermuten, dass der kommende US-Präsident Außenpolitik aus finanzieller Sicht analysiert. Es gehe Trump offensichtlich darum, Kosten für die USA zu senken. Oberflächlich betrachtet erscheine diese Perspektive durchaus ansprechend, angesichts der Komplexität der Außenpolitik könnte eine entsprechende Strategie jedoch einige gefährliche Krisen auslösen. "The problem is that foreign policy is too complicated to be reduced to a simple question of dollars and cents, and viewing the world solely through that lens is profoundly dangerous. If Trump were to put his own stated polices into place, four foreign policy crises — two economic and two military — would be almost certain to erupt. Trump’s response will say a lot about the kind of leader he will be, and a lot about how his new administration will interact with an unstable and unsettled world."

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"Deaths from terrorism declined 13.4 percent worldwide last year"

Zack Beauchamp präsentiert einige Zahlen und Diagramme aus dem neuen Jahresbericht des US-Außenministeriums zum Terrorismus, in dem sich ein Rückgang der Zahl der weltweiten Terroropfer abzeichne. "As with all single-year statistics, this could just be a blip. It's possible the trend line will go back up when we get next year's report on 2016, and what looks like progress this year will end up being ephemeral. But a close look at the data suggests that this is the result of real developments: major battlefield defeats of the world's deadliest terrorist groups. That should give us some hope that this happy trend will continue — that is, that terrorist violence might be becoming less of a threat to global stability. And if you take a step further back and look at the terrorism data in a broader context, it points out something important: Even when it's spiking, terrorism just isn't nearly as big of a global threat as most people tend to think it is."

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"The Credibility Trap"

Max Fisher macht darauf aufmerksam, dass Forderungen nach einem amerikanischen Eingreifen in internationale Konflikte immer wieder mit der Notwendigkeit, die amerikanische "Glaubwürdigkeit" aufrecht zu erhalten, begründet werden. Das Argument werde kaum hinterfragt, obwohl es aus politikwissenschaftlicher Sicht mehrfach widerlegt worden sei. "Under this line of thinking, if the US fails to follow through on a threat or stand up to a challenger in one part of the world, then its allies and enemies globally will be more likely to conclude that all American threats are empty, and that America can be pushed around. If the US backed down once, it will back down again. It's easy to see how people could be attracted to this idea, which puts complicated geo-politics in simple and familiar human terms. It encourages us to think of states as just like people. But states are not people, and this theory, for all its appealing simplicity, is not correct. There is no evidence that America's allies or enemies change their behavior based on conclusions about America's reputation for credibility, or that such a form of reputation even exists in foreign policy."

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"Is Hillary Clinton really the foreign policy super-hawk she is portrayed to be?"

Die demokratische Präsidentschaftskandidatin Hillary Clinton werde gegenwärtig in vielen Analysen zu Unrecht als außenpolitischer "Super-Falke" charakterisiert, schreibt Max Fisher. Eine Untersuchung der Organisation Global Zero zeige, dass Clinton im Vergleich zu den anderen Kandidaten keineswegs den härtesten außenpolitischen Kurs vertrete. "On every issue that Global Zero measured, Clinton is indicated as far less hawkish than all three of the Republican candidates, and as basically tied with Bernie Sanders. She supports the Iran nuclear deal; the Republicans all oppose it. She supports using diplomacy to solve the North Korean nuclear crisis; John Kasich is the only Republican to do so. She supports negotiating with Russia to reduce nuclear weapons; no Republican candidate does. (...) Clinton's policies and past record suggest that her vision of power includes military force as well as diplomacy, so that while she is more likely to act in foreign affairs, she is also more likely to do so peacefully."

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"The Putin myth: the Russian leader isn't nearly as powerful as you think"

Mark Galeotti schreibt, dass die Außendarstellung des russischen Präsidenten nicht als unbegrenzte Machtfülle fehlinterpretiert werden sollte. "The Kremlin’s policymaking can be more shortsighted and arbitrary than the myth of Putin would have us believe. Russia is not always a rigidly centralized dictatorship but is at times a marketplace of ideas in which Russia’s oligarchs, officials, commentators, and interest groups are engaged in constant competition to pitch their ideas to Putin through the press, think tanks, reports, and personal contacts. In theory this could be a form of pluralism, but in practice it is a system in which the policies that catch Putin’s eye and imagination have the best chance of success, regardless of their true merits. Given that the real discussions over policy tend to take place behind closed doors and within a very small circle of Putin’s closest cronies, it also means they rarely get careful and professional examination. (...) The more we buy into the notion of Putin the 'bold strategist,' who is 'acting like a grandmaster of chess while Obama stumbles at checkers,' the more we empower him and disempower ourselves."

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"Everyone says the Libya intervention was a failure. They’re wrong."

Trotz des heutigen Zustands Libyens hält Shadi Hamid vom Center for Middle East Policy der Brookings Institution die westliche Intervention im Jahr 2011 nach wie vor für einen Erfolg. Das Ziel der Intervention sei nie die Errichtung einer Demokratie, sondern die Verhinderung eines Massakers gewesen. Der aktuelle Bürgerkrieg habe bereits vorher begonnen. "The justness of military intervention in March 2011 cannot be undone or negated retroactively. This is not the way choice or morality operates (imagine applying this standard to your personal life). This may suggest a broader philosophical divergence: Obama, according to one of his aides, is a 'consequentialist.' I suspect that this, perhaps more than narrower questions of military intervention, drives at least some of the revisionism over Libya’s legacy. If we were consequentialists, it would be nearly impossible to act anywhere without some sort of preordained guarantee that a conflict area — which likely hadn’t been 'stable' for years or decades — could all of a sudden stabilize."

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"How Saudi Arabia captured Washington"

Max Fisher fragt in seinem ausführlichen Beitrag, wie es Saudi-Arabien gelungen sei, weite Teile des außenpolitischen Establishments in Washington auf seine Seite zu ziehen, obwohl das enge Bündnis der USA zu Saudi-Arabien amerikanischen Werten und Interessen in vieler Hinsicht widerspreche. "What explains the Washington consensus in favor of Wahhabist autocrats who often act counter to American values and interests? Some in the Obama administration, based on what they told the Atlantic (and on my own conversations with administration officials), seem to believe the answer is money: that Saudi Arabia and other oil-rich Arab states have purchased loyalty and influence. But the truth may be subtler than that — and say as much about innate Washington biases as about any foreign-bought influence. (...) Everyone I spoke to emphasized that the pro-Saudi views expressed in Washington are earnestly held; no one is ordered by foreign funders to express a certain viewpoint. Rather, they described a subtler role, in which money amplifies preexisting norms and habits that favor a pro-Saudi consensus, deepening a bias that would exist in the absence of that money but would not be quite as strongly held or widely expressed."

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"Twilight of the neoconservatives"

Die Max Fisher zufolge mittlerweile 20 Jahre andauernde Vorherrschaft der Neokonservativen in der Republikanischen Partei könnte sich seiner Ansicht nach ihrem Ende zuneigen. Der Erfolg von Präsidentschaftskandidat Donald Trump zeige, dass sich die republikanische Basis bereits von den unpopulären Glaubenssätzen der Neocons distanziert habe. "(...) therein lies Trump's real threat on foreign policy: He is demonstrating that it would be within the Republican Party's political interests to jettison the neoconservatives. He has proven that there is a real constituency for opposing neoconservatism among Republicans; that an anti-neoconservative foreign policy — even one as incoherent and nonsensical as his own — can succeed with GOP voters, and would have a far better chance in a national election. He is showing, in other words, that the Republican Party has already left the neoconservatives behind, whether party elites recognize this or not."

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"Obama and Clinton learned very different lessons from the Libya war"

Zack Beauchamp schreibt, dass Barack Obama und Hillary Clinton unterschiedliche Lehren aus der westlichen Intervention in Libyen im Jahr 2011 gezogen hätten. Obama sehe heute ein "warnendes Beispiel" für die Grenzen amerikanischer Macht, Clinton halte die Folgen der Intervention dagegen für das Resultat eines zu zögerlichen Vorgehens. "This difference in worldview has persisted through the two leaders' careers. Go back to the 2008 presidential primary, for example, and you see Clinton taking a far more aggressive tone on the need to use force against terrorists — to say nothing of their differing views of the Iraq War. (...) While Clinton has so far run her campaign in the Democratic primary promising to extend Obama's foreign policy, their disagreement over Libya suggests there are real places where she would behave differently. If she is elected, she will face new, unexpected challenges. No one expected Obama to have to deal with the Arab Spring, for example. And Clinton will bring the lessons of Libya to these unexpected challenges."

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"America's unlearned lesson: the forgotten truth about why we invaded Iraq"

Im Wahlkampf der republikanischen Präsidentschaftskandidaten hat Donald Trump den früheren Amtsinhaber George W. Bush wegen des Irak-Kriegs scharf angegriffen. Max Fisher erinnert daran, dass die Entscheidung für die Invasion im Jahr 2003 nicht nur auf Lügen, sondern vor allem auf einer gefährlichen Ideologie basiert habe. Diese Differenzierung sei notwendig, um eine Wiederholung derart folgenreicher Fehler der US-Außenpolitik zu verhindern. "If the problem were merely that Bush lied, then the solution would be straightforward: Check the administration's facts. But how do you fact-check an ideology, particularly when that ideology is partially concealed from the public view? How do you guard against that ideology, which still dominates much of the GOP, and some of whose ideas are shared by more hawkish Democrats, from leading us astray again?"

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"14 hard truths on Syria no one wants to admit"

Max Fisher erläutert anhand von 14 Stichpunkten, warum der Westen sich von seinen bisherigen Vorstellungen über eine Lösung des Syrienkonflikts verabschieden sollte. Ein realistischer Friedensplan werde die Interessen Russlands und Irans berücksichtigen und Präsident Assad eine, möglicherweise symbolische, Position in der künftigen Regierung zugestehen müssen. "Pundits and politicians often confuse analytical findings with moral judgments. It is common to argue that Russia and Iran are bad actors in Syria (as indeed they are) and that therefore the US should choose a policy of maximal belligerence toward them because it is the most morally satisfying course. Unfortunately, such a policy would not fix Syria and would bring considerable downsides, including the risk of war between the world's two leading nuclear powers. Of course, negotiating with Russia and Iran also carries downsides. But the point is that even though we dislike these countries, they are major components of the war, and we have to acknowledge this reality, painful as it may be, if we want to do anything about Syria."

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"The ongoing Jewish exodus from France, in 2 charts"

Zack Beauchamp präsentiert zwei Diagramme, die einen Eindruck vom aktuellen "Exodus" französischer Juden nach Israel vermitteln. Ein Grund für die Auswanderungswelle sei die relativ hohe Zahl der "Hassverbrechen", die oft mit dem Nahostkonflikt in Verbindung gebracht würden. "France is home to about 475,000 Jews, the world's third-largest Jewish population. Yet its Jews are increasingly fearful of anti-Semitic violence. (...) Hate crimes against Jews are on the rise. According to the Guardian's Natasha Lehrer, 'Half of all racist attacks in France take Jews as their target, even though they number less than 1 percent of the population.' (...) In any case, it's important to note that only a small percentage of French Jews have been directly targeted by anti-Semitic attacks. Still, these crimes, together with the broader political climate that includes figures like the popular anti-Semitic comedian Dieudonné, have helped create a climate of fear among French Jews. 'It's enough for a very small band of idiots to frighten a whole community,' Meyer told Lehrer in an interview."

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"Why Democratic foreign policy wonks are worried about the election"

Im Gegensatz zu ihren republikanischen Konkurrenten haben die demokratischen US-Präsidentschaftskandidaten ihren Wahlkampf bisher kaum mit außenpolitischen Themen geführt. Zack Beauchamp erläutert mögliche Ursachen und Risiken dieser auffälligen Strategie. "One core issue may be that Democratic voters don't have much appetite for a foreign policy–oriented campaign. Polls find that Democrats are much more likely to say that the economy, health care, and the environment are the campaign's top issues rather than foreign affairs. Moreover, Clinton takes a more hawkish view of foreign affairs than your average Democratic primary voter, so it makes sense that she'd try to keep her profile on these issues as low as possible. (...) Yet Sanders has spent very little time attacking Clinton as a hawk: 'That's not the message he wants his campaign to be about,' as Kleinfeld put it. Throughout his career, Sanders has had a single-minded focus on economic inequality and the power of the rich — and so has his campaign. (...) Democratic foreign policy experts I spoke to worry that Democrats are squandering an opportunity to prepare for the looming foreign policy fight. The Democrats' lack of any real foreign policy debate now will put them at a disadvantage when it comes time for them to articulate and defend their views on a subject that will feature significantly in the general."

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"Leaked ISIS document: we're cutting fighter salaries in half"

Zack Beauchamp berichtet über ein Dokument, dem zufolge der "Islamische Staat" eine Halbierung der Gehälter für seine Kämpfer in Syrien und Irak angeordnet hat. Es sei offen, ob die Maßnahme tatsächlich umgesetzt wird, das Dokument sei allerdings ein weiterer Beleg für die zunehmenden Probleme der Terrormiliz. "'Their cash had already been drying up,' [Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, a senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies,] explains. 'The coalition bombing their trucks bringing oil to market further depletes their revenue by adding a premium to doing business with ISIS. Plus, taxing a population that has very little source of income isn't a sustainable revenue model.' So in short: ISIS has lost 25 percent of its territory since mid-2014. Its cash resources are running low. It has no friends in the region and lots of powerful enemies. ISIS is in very deep trouble."

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"'Comfort women': Japan's 70-year sex slavery controversy, explained"

Nach einer 70 Jahre dauernden Kontroverse hat die konservative Regierung in Japan beschlossen, sich bei Südkorea offiziell für den Missbrauch südkoreanischer Zwangsprostituierter im Zweiten Weltkrieg zu entschuldigen. Max Fisher erläutert die historischen und politischen Hintergründe dieser überraschenden Wende, die auch sicherheitspolitische Folgen haben könnte. "South Korea's leaders, in other words, decided they were ready to resolve the issue. [Jennifer Lind, a Dartmouth professor who studies northeast Asian politics,] says this in part because South Korean and Japanese interests happened to be lining up more fully anyway. 'You need to reverse the causal arrow,' Lind said when I asked if this agreement would improve Korea-Japan relations. 'It’s not the agreement that causes relations to get better. It’s the leaders’ desire to make relations better that caused the agreement.' (...) To some degree, Abe may be feeling like he needed to do this. Not to please the Americans or to counter the Chinese, not primarily at least, but rather to give himself more room to continue growing Japan's military and rolling back Japanese pacifism (the country has been officially 'pacifist' since the end of World War II)."

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"33 maps that explain terrorism"

Zack Beauchamp hat 33 Karten, Grafiken und Diagramme zusammengestellt, um einen Blick auf die Geschichte des Terrorismus zu werfen, die bei ihm mit dem Terrorregime der Jakobiner während der Französischen Revolution beginnt. "Terrorism is a simple idea — intentionally targeting non-combatants to instill terror in a way that will accomplish political goals — that has had a profound impact on the world. But while we may think of terrorism today as something associated with wild-eyed religious radicals, in fact its history is much more complicated than that, and even the rise of what we now call jihadism is more complicated than you may think. What follows are 33 maps (okay, a few of them are charts) to tell this story."

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"This week's bitter dispute between Europe and Israel, explained"

Zack Beauchamp erläutert die Ursachen der spürbaren Verschlechterung der europäisch-israelischen Beziehungen in den letzten Wochen. "On Sunday, Israel announced that it would suspend contact with EU diplomats working on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. It threatened to go further on Monday morning: Israeli officials warned that Jerusalem might stop helping the EU's economic projects in the West Bank, making it hard for the EU to serve its Palestinian beneficiaries. This is retaliation, pure and simple. On November 11, the EU set up guidelines requiring all Israeli products produced in West Bank settlements to be labeled as coming from a settlement rather than from Israel proper. Israel believes this rule will further enable boycotts of Israeli products, which it sees as a threat to both its economic livelihood and — even more important — its legitimacy in the eyes of the international community."

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"Syria’s Turkmen: who they are, and what they have to do with Russia’s downed plane"

Seit dem Abschuss des russischen Kampfflugzeugs durch die Türkei sind die syrischen Turkmenen ins öffentliche Interesse gerückt. Zack Beauchamp hat die bekannten Fakten und Zusammenhänge der Situation vor Ort zusammengestellt. "The Turkmen role in the conflict has put them directly in Russia's crosshairs. The Russians, contrary to their stated goal of fighting ISIS, have directed most of their military efforts to helping Assad's forces fight rebels. The Turkmen have clashed repeatedly with Assad and his allies in the north — which led to Russian planes targeting Turkmen militants last week. (...) Regardless of whether that was a motivating factor behind Turkey's actions on Tuesday, one thing is for sure: The Turkmen are clearly a growing source of tension between Russia and Syria, making them yet another complication in Syria's already-complicated civil war."

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"Former US official on Syria: Obama's ISIS strategy is like 'one hand clapping'"

Zack Beauchamp hat sich mit dem früheren Berater der US-Regierung Fred Hof über Fehler und Versäumnisse der amerikanischen Strategie zur Bekämpfung des "Islamischen Staates" unterhalten. "The two biggest causes of ISIS's rise, Hof said, are sectarianism in Iraq and Bashar al-Assad's vicious actions in Syria. 'ISIS is a vacuum filler,' he wrote. But he singled out some outside actors as well, including the US. 'The stupidity' of some individuals in nearby states like Saudi Arabia and Qatar who funded ISIS is 'impossible to describe adequately in any known language,' he said. And on President Obama's current efforts on fighting ISIS: 'I truly don't get it.'"

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"The surprising reason why ISIS may be lashing out: because it's losing"

Warum hat sich der "Islamische Staat" ausgerechnet zu diesem Zeitpunkt zu Terroranschlägen im Westen entschlossen? Zack Beauchamp vermutet, dass die Terrormiliz in Syrien und Irak immer mehr unter Druck geraten sei und deshalb "ausgeschlagen" habe. Dies würde allerdings auch bedeuten, dass weitere militärische Siege gegen den IS die Terrorgefahr erhöhen könnten. "On the ground in Iraq and Syria, ISIS has in fact been stalled and in many places even turned back. According to Will McCants, the head of the Brookings Institution's Project on US Relations With the Islamic World, ISIS 'lost something like 25 percent of their territory' since its peak last summer. (...) Some analysts worry that Paris represents the beginning of ISIS devoting more resources to staging these dramatic attacks outside its territory — perhaps in part to compensate for its territorial losses. (...) Moreover, ISIS may believe that terrorist attacks are its best way of striking back against — and maybe, it believes, deterring — foreign attacks. That conclusion would likely be wrong, but ISIS may still believe it."

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Informationsportal Krieg und Frieden

Wo gibt es Kriege und Gewaltkonflikte? Und wo herrscht am längsten Frieden? Welches Land gibt am meisten für Rüstung aus? liefert wichtige Daten und Fakten zu Krieg und Frieden.

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Innerstaatliche Konflikte

Vom Kosovo nach Kolumbien, von Somalia nach Süd-Thailand: Weltweit schwelen über 280 politische Konflikte. Und immer wieder droht die Lage gewaltsam zu eskalieren.

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Zahlen und Fakten


Kaum ein Thema wird so intensiv und kontrovers diskutiert wie die Globalisierung. "Zahlen und Fakten" liefert Grafiken, Texte und Tabellen zu einem der wichtigsten und vielschichtigsten Prozesse der Gegenwart.

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Publikationen zum Thema

Coverbild Internationale Sicherheit im 21. Jahrhundert

Internationale Sicherheit im 21. Jahrhundert

Die internationale Sicherheit ist fragil und bedroht. Wie können und müssen demokratische Systeme ...

Internationale Sicherheitspolitik Cover

Internationale Sicherheitspolitik

Seit Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts hat sich die internationale Sicherheitspolitik deutlich verändert....

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