US-Soldaten in Afghanistan

War on the Rocks


suche-links1 2 3 4 5suche-rechts


"Trump Cancels Drone Strike Civilian Casualty Report: Does It Matter?"

US-Präsident Trump hat am 6. März den Verzicht auf einen von Amtsvorgänger Obama eingeführten Jahresbericht zu US-Drohnenangriffen außerhalb von Kriegszonen verkündet. Nicholas Grossman meint, dass die Entscheidung aus Sicht der Transparenz nicht zu begrüßen sei, aber auch nicht überbewertet werden sollte. Zum einen seien die im Report präsentierten Zahlen nie besonders aussagekräftig gewesen, zum andern habe Trump den Drohnenkrieg entgegen mancher Berichte nicht substantiell verschärft. "Under the Trump administration, the drone program has continued, but its focus has shifted away from Pakistan to Yemen and Somalia. In contrast to claims that Trump substantially increased drone strikes, the data shows consistency across administrations. (...) It’s more a change in the location of terrorist and counter-terrorist activity than Trump altering America’s drone strategy."

Mehr lesen


"Should the Names of Terrorists Never Pass Our Lips?"

Die neuseeländische Premierministerin Jacinda Ardern hat nach dem Anschlag in Christchurch verkündet, den Namen des Attentäters nicht aussprechen zu wollen. Alexander Meleagrou-Hitchens fürchtet, dass derartige Aktionen ihre wohlgemeinten Ziele nicht erreichen und stattdessen ein Vakuum schaffen werden, das von Verschwörungstheorien gefüllt werden könnte. "If one were to take Ardern’s 'oxygen of publicity' position to its logical conclusion, then there is no reason to give much attention to the attacks themselves. We can simply wipe these horrible events from our collective conscious and they will just disappear and reduce the risk of future atrocities. If only it was this easy to prevent terrorism. (...) One of the problems many people appear to have overlooked is that politicians and the media take a major risk when they refuse to confront or discuss key pieces of information relating to terrorist attacks. Conspiracy theories, and those who peddle them, are a major component of many violent ideologies and act as a driver for those who act in their name. (...) Conspiracy theories thrive on a lack of information. Where there is a gap in our knowledge of an event, the conspiracy theory proffers a phony explanation that fits with its view of the world and how it works. If legitimate sources refuse to take responsibility for informing the public of who the terrorist is, it allows the conspiracy theory the space it needs to create its own myths and lore."

Mehr lesen


"The Kosovo War in Retrospect"

James Goldgeier und Gorana Grgić schreiben, dass der NATO-Luftkrieg gegen Serbien vor 20 Jahren auf dem Höhepunkt der unipolaren Vormachtstellung der USA geführt worden sei. Einige der damals gestellten Fragen seien auch heute noch aktuell. "(...) the Kosovo War raises interesting questions for candidates running for president: Should the United States and its NATO allies have acted 20 years ago to prevent what may have been another act of genocide committed by Milošević? Would they simply stand by today under similar circumstances given current attitudes toward military intervention? (...) Kosovo was, in a way, the opportunity for the West to atone for its failure to prevent the genocides of the mid-1990s. It set a precedent, however, for U.S. action regardless of support from the U.N. Security Council, and only four years later, the George W. Bush administration launched an attack with a 'coalition of the willing' against Iraq for its alleged failure to give up weapons of mass destruction, in that instance ignoring not just Russian opposition but that from allies like France and Germany as well. And when Vladimir Putin decided to invade Ukraine in 2014 and annex Crimea, he could point to the Kosovo intervention to argue he was simply acting on similar grounds to protect the Russian-speaking population next door."

Mehr lesen


"'Cost Plus 50' and Bringing U.S. Troops Home: A Look at the Numbers"

Die US-Regierung will von Verbündeten wie Deutschland, Südkorea und Japan künftig deutlich höhere Zahlungen für die Stationierung von US-Truppen vor Ort verlangen. Rick Berger vom American Enterprise Institute hat eigene Berechnungen zum "Cost Plus 50"-Plan angestellt. Auf Deutschland könnten demnach zusätzliche Forderungen von vier bis neun Milliarden US-Dollar pro Jahr zukommen. Eine mögliche Folge dieser Forderungen wäre der Abzug der US-Truppen, so Berger. "Clearly, 'cost plus 50' would be a fundamental change in burden-sharing negotiations. Such a change could engender responses from allies and/or failures of negotiations that make a full withdrawal of U.S. forces more likely — an option Trump has frequently discussed with interest. (...) The current U.S. overseas basing posture essentially pays for itself. Withdrawing U.S. forces from major bases would definitely cost the American taxpayer several billions of dollars and would likely end up costing tens of billions of dollars. Following that initial expenditure, the United States would be forced to either abandon fundamental tenets of its post-World War II defense strategy or spend tens of billions more on U.S.-based forces in order to remain capable of carrying out the current National Defense Strategy."

Mehr lesen


"Germany's Self-Delusion About a 'No-Spying' Pact with China"

Die Bundesregierung strebt Berichten zufolge ein Anti-Spionageabkommen mit China an, um zu verhindern, dass Peking Zugang zu den Daten auf in Deutschland betriebenen chinesischen Produkten haben wird. Peter Mattis hält diese Strategie für blauäugig. "There are at least three reasons to not take Germany’s idea seriously. In addition, what happened after the U.S.-China agreement in 2015 does not give cause for optimism that Beijing would honor another such deal. First, there is no reason to take the assurances of Chinese officials and Huawei executives at face value. (...) Beijing is going to do what it is going to do; the law is just a public statement to clarify what the party expects of its citizens. Second, Germany is home to a number of Chinese dissidents and Uyghur exiles, and it seems unlikely that the Chinese Communist Party would forgo its ability to surveil them. (...) Third, Germany cannot credibly build any threat of potential consequences into a no-spying agreement. Even if the Chinese government is caught exploiting Huawei’s equipment, threatening meaningful consequences requires Berlin to make several assumptions about the future. The first is that future German leaders will be prepared to accept the political and economic costs of ripping out and replacing Huawei’s equipment. The economic costs also include any downtime created by disruptions to normal service. The second is that alternative 5G equipment providers will be available — a questionable assumption given Huawei’s undercutting of the international market."

Mehr lesen


"NATO Expansion Got Some Big Things Right"

In der Debatte über das Pro und Contra der NATO-Erweiterung in Osteuropa spricht sich Mike Sweeney gegen eine kategorische Verurteilung der Erweiterungsstrategie aus. Er reagiert dabei auf einen Beitrag von Mark und Matthew Cancian und schreibt: "(...) while Russian concerns and humiliation should be an important strategic consideration, it can never be the only one. Should NATO have not intervened to stop the carnage in Bosnia out of deference to fraternity between Moscow and Belgrade? Would European security really have been better served by a series of unabated Srbrenica’s? Do all the states formerly under Moscow’s dominion during the Cold War really have no say in their own security arrangements simply out of deference to Russian insecurity? Once again, other states have agency and other factors beyond NATO must be taken into account in assessing why Russia is where it is today. So, should NATO expansion stop? Ironically, in the end, I am inclined to mostly agree with the authors of the article I’ve spent so much time criticizing. NATO can’t – and shouldn’t – seek more members from the former Soviet space. It is unlikely any of the existing neutral countries of Europe would now seek formal membership in the alliance as, again, the move – on balance – is likely to be more destabilizing than not with regard to Russia."

Mehr lesen


"How Not to Compete in the Arctic: The Blurry Lines Between Friend and Foe"


Die strategische Situation in der Arktis widerspreche in vieler Hinsicht dem gewohnten Bild der internationalen Sicherheitspolitik, stellt Stephanie Pezard von der RAND Corporation fest. Verbündete wie die USA und Kanada hätten in wichtigen regionalen Fragen unterschiedliche Vorstellungen, während Rivalen wie Russland und Norwegen auf bestimmten Gebieten kooperierten. "Russia’s mix of competition and cooperation with Norway displays some similarities to its relations with the United States in the Arctic. Recent U.S. strategic documents portray Russia as a competitor of the United States and an unambiguous rival that, like China, 'challenge[s] American power.' Yet in the Arctic, Russia is also a neighbor with whom trivial matters need to be discussed and deconflicted before they become nontrivial. (...) Similarly, despite tensions on other issues, over the past decade the United States and Russia have successfully pushed forward with other Arctic and non-Arctic nations on new legal instruments to help regulate or promote Arctic activities."

Mehr lesen


"It is Time for Germans to Talk About Sicherheitspolitik"

Ulrike Franke vom European Council on Foreign Relations präsentiert den neuen deutschsprachigen Podcast "Sicherheitshalber", der sich mit sicherheitspolitischen Fragen beschäftigen wird. In der deutschen Öffentlichkeit werde eine aktive Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik immer noch überwiegend negativ beurteilt, so Franke. Dabei gehe eine durchaus vernünftige Vorsicht bei der Beurteilung militärischer Interventionen mit einer generellen Ablehnung einer offenen Debatte über militärische Fragen einher. "It is this approach that leads to the 'Swissification' and 'self-dwarfization' of Germany, and ultimately to its weakening. Of course, military means should be among the last tools of foreign policy. Not intervening militarily is often the sensible foreign policy choice. But taking the capability off the table completely, as many Germans wish to do, not only limits choices, it also decreases the meaningfulness of many non-military foreign policy actions. Germany needs and deserves a better debate on foreign and, in particular, security and defense policy, which includes the larger public."

Mehr lesen


"How the Deep State Came to America: A History"

Der Türkei-Experte Ryan Gingeras erklärt Entstehung und Bedeutung des Begriffs des "Tiefen Staates", der in der Debatte über Präsident Trump seit 2017 auch in den USA eine neue Rolle spielt. "Up until February 2017, extreme political events were usually the catalysts for those who found the term fitting or helpful. In other words, 'it’s the deep state' has served as a concise answer for those who question the true origins of any number of extraordinary, usually violent, episodes: Susurluk, the JFK assassination, 9/11, and so on. What is remarkable about the deep state’s arrival to America is that it has been used so pre-emptively. For pundits who now use the term seriously, the American deep state matters because it is capable of or intent upon unseating President Donald Trump and not necessarily because of what it has done before."

Mehr lesen


"U.S.-India Relations: The Trump Administration's Foreign Policy Bright Spot"

Im Gegensatz zu den Beziehungen zu vielen anderen Verbündeten habe sich das Verhältnis der USA zu Indien unter Präsident Trump positiv weiterentwickelt, schreibt Richard Fontaine vom Center for a New American Security. "Bilateral relations are mostly healthy and both sides continue to raise their strategic bet on a close long-term partnership. With the United States and India sustaining deepening ties across multiple administrations, their leaders should grow more ambitious still. Now is the time to envision precisely what a maximalist U.S.-India relationship might encompass in the future."

Mehr lesen


"Humanitarian Assistance Has a Terrorism Problem. Can It Be Resolved?"

Jessica Trisko Darden macht darauf aufmerksam, dass internationale Hilfslieferungen in Krisenregionen häufig auch Terrorgruppen zugutekommen. "Humanitarian assistance can fuel terrorism in three main ways. First, insufficient oversight of funds or recipients means that terrorists can inadvertently benefit from aid. Second, terrorist groups can tax, steal, or divert aid for their own ends. Third, terrorists can become directly involved in charitable organizations and influence the distribution of aid. (...) there remains a culture clash between humanitarian organizations, whose work transcends national boundaries, and the state-based systems of oversight and accountability that seek to regulate them. In a system that also faces serious sexual exploitation and fraud scandals, the numerous incidents in which humanitarian assistance has benefited certain armed groups reinforces the need for reflection and reform."

Mehr lesen


"Climate Change as a National Security Threat and What to Do About It"

Der in der vergangenen Woche vom Weißen Haus veröffentlichte 2. Teil eines Klimaberichts bestätigt nach Ansicht von Caitlin Werrell und Francesco Femia, dass der Klimawandel von immer mehr Experten auch als sicherheitspolitisches Problem wahrgenommen wird. "This new report reflects the perspectives of an increasingly worried national security community. It includes a broad look at climate change impacts across the United States, and a comprehensive assessment of what some of those impacts mean for national security. (...) The new report affirms that the national security implications of climate change are already happening and are likely to become increasingly significant under plausible climate change trajectories, exacerbating impacts both directly on America’ military and critical infrastructure, and indirectly in the global operating environment. This is exacerbated by another important observation in the report: these direct and indirect risks are not likely to occur in isolation — they are increasingly interconnected and happening simultaneously, raising the scale and complexity of these risks, and increasing the danger to U.S. national security writ large."

Mehr lesen


"Ten Years After Mumbai, the Group Responsible is Deadlier Than Ever"

Stephen Tankel schreibt, dass die pakistanische Terrorgruppe Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), die für den blutigen Anschlag in der indischen Metropole Mumbai vor zehn Jahren verantwortlich gemacht wird, heute gefährlicher denn je sei. Die Gruppe pflege nach wie vor enge Kontakte zum pakistanischen Geheimdienst ISI. "India executed Kasab in late November 2012, almost four years to the day after the Mumbai attacks began. U.S. authorities arrested David Headley, the Pakistani-American who conducted reconnaissance for the attacks, in the United States, where he is currently in prison. But their leaders in Lashkar-e-Taiba and the ISI handlers supporting them got away pretty much scot-free. The Pakistani authorities charged seven of the group’s members, including the group’s second-in-command, in connection with the attacks. Not surprisingly, none were convicted in Pakistani courts, or extradited to India. All are back on the street. The ISI handlers who supported the attack reportedly moved on to other assignments. Lashkar-e-Taiba leaders not only remain at large. They and the group their organization arguably have more influence in Pakistan than ever before."

Mehr lesen


"Bring the Tanks Back: It Is Time to Put a US Armored Brigade in Germany"

Ryan Van Wie spricht sich anstelle der aktuell diskutierten Schaffung eines US-Militärstützpunkts in Polen für eine dauerhafte Stationierung einer Panzerbrigade des US-Militärs in Deutschland aus. Diese Alternative würde seiner Ansicht nach viele der Einwände entkräften, die gegen das Polen-Modell vorgebracht werden. "There are already 35,000 Americans permanently stationed in Germany. An additional brigade there would be far less controversial. The pre-existing infrastructure and land requirements are already present at American bases in Grafenwoehr and Baumholder. A German-based brigade would negate the risks associated with constructing a Polish base in range of Russian rocket artillery. It would also do little to provoke a Russian counter-reaction or alter Russia’s perceived security. The new brigade’s location would provide European Command with operational maneuver space to consolidate NATO forces and flow additional American units into theater in the event of war. As Kofman points out, an enduring presence in Poland somewhat limits NATO’s ability to exercise deterrence by punishment. A German-based brigade would still allow the United States to signal 'increasing immediate deterrence' to Moscow by shifting forces into Eastern Europe if tensions escalated. This permanent brigade would also save money, enhance interoperability, and improve Army-wide readiness."

Mehr lesen


"Permanently Stationing US Forces in Poland is a Bad Idea, But One Worth Debating"

Polen will die USA weiterhin davon überzeugen, auf polnischem Boden einen permanenten US-Militärstützpunkt zur "Abschreckung" Russlands zu errichten. Michael Kofman vom Wilson Center erläutert, warum sich selbst renommierte US-Generäle wie Ben Hodges gegen diese Idee ausgesprochen haben. "An armored division in Poland is an answer to a question that’s not being asked. Russian forces are not massing in Belarus, Russian divisions are not being stationed along NATO borders, and Russia is not creating a large reserve designed to occupy foreign territory. There’s no massive expansion of Russia’s military footprint in Kaliningrad or St. Petersburg, and no cause for urgency to add forces to Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, the United States already has a credible deterrence strategy in place that seems to be working just fine. (...) Despite early alarmist suggestions that NATO cannot deter Russian aggression without seven brigades or more in the Baltic region, it has, and continues to do so, with prudent measures that balance the need for deterrence with the risk of provocation. Russia’s Zapad 2017 exercise came and went, yet the Russian military juggernaut appears to have little interest in invading. Alarmist arguments for more deterrence share the same problem with doomsday cults: It’s hard to take either of them seriously when the prophesied day refuses to come."

Mehr lesen


"The Two Faces of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula"

Gregory D. Johnsen schreibt, dass die al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) heute als eine der gefährlichsten Fraktionen des Terrornetzwerks gilt. Allerdings werde das internationale Risiko, das von der Gruppe ausgeht, in der Berichterstattung häufig mit der Rolle der AQAP-Kämpfer als Aufständische in Jemen vermischt. "This failure by journalists, analysts, and officials to distinguish between AQAP’s two sides leads to a mistaken impression of the threat the group represents to the West. This is why numbers don’t tell the whole story. AQAP’s domestic reach and recruits have grown significantly in recent years, but the international terrorist side has withered. The group might look and sound more dangerous than ever, but it is actually a much different organization today than it was a decade ago. (...) Contrary to the picture painted by the numbers, AQAP is the weakest it has ever been. Decimated by drone strikes and challenged by rivals, its international terrorist side is a shadow of its former self. Only its domestic insurgency side — bolstered by Yemen’s messy war — is growing. If this side can be reduced and contained, AQAP can be defeated. But if it is allowed to remain and continue to grow, the group may be able to resurrect the international side of its organization and become a global terrorist threat once more."

Mehr lesen


"Social Media as War?"

Kori Schake stellt das neue Buch "LikeWar: The Weaponization of Social Media" von P.W. Singer und Emerson T. Brooking vor, die sich mit dem breiten gesellschaftlichen Einfluss sozialer Medien beschäftigt haben. Neben vielen interessanten Beobachtungen stellen die Autoren nach Ansicht von Schake auch übertriebene Thesen auf. "Although the book is titled Like War, it isn’t so much about warfare as about how social media is affecting society broadly: how we consume information, why social media is so addictive, how it has been capitalized on by social movements, celebrities, politicians, terrorists, and states. (...) But Brooking and Singer make an outsized claim that social media has changed the dynamics of conflict, the interplay of nations, and the entire global system. They argue that the Internet 'changed history forever,' 'war and politics have never been so intertwined,' that 'winning these online battles doesn’t just win the web, but wins the world,' and that social media has 'decisively reshaped the modern world.' The book is a valuable primer on where social media came from and how its currently being used. It also has some useful suggestions for taming its effects. But Like War doesn’t come anywhere near proving its outsized claims".

Mehr lesen


"A Europeanized NATO? The Alliance Contemplates the Trump Era and Beyond"

Der dänische Politikwissenschaftler Sten Rynning erwartet, dass die NATO angesichts des Rückzugs der USA künftig stärker von der europäischen Geopolitik geprägt werden wird. "(...) Britain is likely to step in as continental Europe’s offshore power, though, of course, with diminished capabilities compared to those of the United States. A Europeanized NATO would tie Britain to the continent and perhaps become part of the answer to the troubled British-E.U. relationship. The European Union would not be able to stand still in the face of such a security transformation. France and Germany would likely seek to rescue their institutional project by accelerating the construction of a core that would allow France to extend security guarantees to Germany in return for French access to German financial governance, and which would create an E.U. periphery, notably in Eastern Europe, alongside countries such as Ukraine and Belarus. It is probable that Western Europe could rescue its commitment to collective institutions, including collective defense, but it is unlikely that it could extend security guarantees far eastwards, as NATO today is able to. A revised bargain with Russia will then become necessary, one in which the sovereignty of Eastern European countries will be questioned."

Mehr lesen


"Deadly Cooperation: The Shifting Ties Between Al-Qaeda and the Taliban"

Die Terrorismus-Expertin Tricia Bacon von der School of Public Affairs der American University hat in einem Diskussionsforum anlässlich des 9/11-Jahrestags die wechselhaften Beziehungen zwischen den Taliban und der Al-Qaida in Afghanistan erläutert. "An alliance does not mean that partners have merged, operate in lockstep, or even always adhere to one another’s input. In this case, they certainly have not, do not, and they sometimes ignore one another’s counsel. Allies can have areas of major divergence. And the Taliban and al-Qaeda certainly do. Since the inception of their relationship, the two groups have differed on their strategic objectives, priorities, and tactics. The Taliban continues to be staunchly focused on Afghanistan and has never embraced al-Qaeda’s global jihadist ambitions. For its part, al-Qaeda has consistently pursued its agenda with a disregard for how doing so has affected the Taliban. Yet they cooperate in Afghanistan and expect future cooperation and consultation in that realm."

Mehr lesen


"Remembering the French War in Afghanistan"

Olivier Schmitt stellt das Buch "Jonquille. Afghanistan, 2012" von Jean Michelin vor, der sich mit den Hintergründen des französischen Militäreinsatzes in Afghanistan beschäftigt hat. "The book gives interesting insights on several features of Western warfare during the Afghanistan intervention: the importance of airpower for supporting ground troops, the overly burdensome equipment that soldiers have to carry during their operations (at the cost of tactical proficiency), and what it means to be part of a coalition operation as a junior partner to the United States. (...) For those Americans who can read French, the book will be interesting not only for its literary qualities, but also because it gives an insight into the 'French way of war' in Afghanistan. Notably, it shows how armed forces with much less logistical support and available means than the U.S. military effectively organize themselves for expeditionary warfare (as also illustrated by France’s subsequent intervention in Mali)."

Mehr lesen


"The Demographics of Southeast Asian Jihadism"

Daveed Gartenstein-Ross, Vivian Hagerty and Madeline Dement haben über zwei Jahre lang die demografische Zusammensetzung dschihadistischer Gruppen untersucht und stellen in diesem Beitrag die Ergebnisse für Südostasien vor. "There is little research to date elucidating the demographics of typical members of Southeast Asian jihadist groups who may carry out or support attacks like the Lamitan City bombing. This article is designed to advance the state of knowledge about Southeast Asian jihadism by drawing on original research into the demographic characteristics of 242 Southeast Asia-based jihadists. While there are limitations to the representativeness of demographic information derived from open sources, which will be discussed subsequently, having a larger amount of data on the phenomenon can aid in better assessing the plausibility of existing hypotheses about jihadism in the region."

Mehr lesen


"The Clash of Generations and American Foreign Policy"

Trevor Thrall, William Ruger und Erik Goepner zufolge gibt es in Washington die Sorge, dass die derzeitige US-Außenpolitik von der Generation der sogenannten Millennials nicht mehr lange mitgetragen werden könnte. Die Autoren haben die veränderten Einstellungen junger Amerikaner in einer neuen Studie untersucht und stellen fest: "(...) the story behind America’s attitude shifts on foreign policy is more mixed than many realize. Though there are real signs of global leadership fatigue, younger Americans are not opposed to engagement with the world when it is mutually beneficial. In fact, younger Americans remain quite committed to international life in their own way. However, as our recent study published with the Chicago Council on Global Affairs reveals, the United States is experiencing an intergenerational shift in attitudes about the proper goals and tools of foreign policy. Relative to their elders, younger Americans are much less supportive of the use of military force abroad, but they are equally or more supportive of international trade, cooperation, and diplomacy. (...) In short, since World War II successive generations of Americans have become less hawkish and want a more cooperative U.S. foreign policy. The result is a new generation of Americans ready for Washington to chart a new course in foreign affairs that shows greater realism about the challenges in using military power and more hope for mutually beneficial engagement like trade."

Mehr lesen


"The August War, Ten Years On: A Retrospective on the Russo-Georgian War"

Michael Kofman mit einem ausführlichen Rückblick auf den Krieg zwischen Georgien und Russland vor zehn Jahren, dessen historische Bedeutung seiner Ansicht nach immer noch unterschätzt wird. "The Russo-Georgian War, the August War, or for some simply the 'five-day war,' was an important departure point in U.S.-Russian relations, and in European security. Although few understood it at the time, this war heralded an important transition in international politics. This brief conflict presaged the return of great-power politics and the end of the post-Cold War period. In 2008, Moscow demonstrated the will and ability to actively contest the U.S. vision for European security, veto NATO expansion in its neighborhood, and challenge Washington’s design for a normative international order where small states can determine their own affairs independent of the interests of great powers. Simply put, the historical significance of the Russo-Georgian War has been underrated."

Mehr lesen


"Dealing with the Russian Lake Next Door: Romania and Black Sea"

Im 5. Teil einer Artikelserie über die neue strategische Bedeutung des Schwarzen Meeres beschäftigt sich Iulia-Sabina Joja mit der Rolle Rumäniens. "The Black Sea is a body of many monikers: NATO euphemistically calls the sea an area of 'strategic importance,' former Romanian President Traian Băsescu famously dubbed it 'a Russian lake' in 2005 and the Russians, in response, labeled the body 'a NATO lake.' While traditionally Romania has considered the Black Sea 'its best neighbor,' these labels reflect today’s heightened threat perceptions in the region. Yet ultimately none of these nicknames, laden with geostrategic significance though they are, show the reality."

Mehr lesen


"The Real Roots of Germany's Defense Spending Problem"

Barbara Kunz vom Institut français des relations internationales in Paris schreibt, dass die deutschen Militärausgaben nicht aufgrund ihrer nominalen Höhe, sondern wegen ihrer fehlenden strategischen Perspektive problematisch seien. "The problem, of course, is that 'doing more' or 'assuming responsibility' does not a strategy make. Herein lies the real problem with German security and defense policy. Things have certainly evolved since 2014, notably with the 2016 White Paper, but defining a German approach to strategy remains a work in progress. Today, there is a sense of stagnation in the German debate and, to some extent, a sense of complacency with what has been achieved since 2014. Outside Germany, and notably in France, there is in turn growing frustration. Four years on, it is increasingly clear that hopes for the 'normalization' of German strategic culture (and perhaps automatic convergence with French approaches) were exaggerated. (...) Against that backdrop, the exclusive focus on Germany reaching the 2 percent target is not only annoying; it is counterproductive: It suggests that the German – and thus, by extension, European – defense problem can be solved through money alone."

Mehr lesen


"The Year of the Gray Wolf: The Rise of Turkey's New Ultranationalism"

Bei den jüngsten Wahlen in der Türkei habe ein neuer "Ultranationalismus" gewonnen, der das Land auch außenpolitisch viele Jahre prägen dürfte, schreibt Burak Kadercan vom United States Naval War College. "The rise of ultranationalism in Turkey will have three consequences in the long term. First, Turkey will likely continue its anti-PKK/YPG campaign in the region. (...) Second, the rise of ultranationalism does not necessarily mean that Turkey’s relationship with the West will deteriorate. Instead, relations with the West (especially the United States) will be increasingly 'conditional' on how the United States and European countries approach the Turkey-YPG conflict among other issues. (...) The third long-term consequence of rising ultranationalism in Turkey is that it will shape Turkish political discourse in the foreseeable future, and as the June elections clearly displayed, sometimes in ways that would difficult to predict."

Mehr lesen


"What Does Assad's Southwestern Offensive Mean for the Future of Syria?"

Michael P. Dempsey vom Council on Foreign Relations schreibt, dass sich die Assad-Regierung mit ihrer Offensive im Südwesten Syriens über die Vereinbarung einer Deeskalationszone hinweggesetzt habe, ohne große internationale Proteste hervorzurufen. Assad sei dadurch in seinem Glauben bestärkt worden, dass der Krieg gegen die Rebellen militärisch gewonnen werden könne. "Once Assad prevails in the southwest, he will likely turn his attention to Idlib Province in northwestern Syria, home to many (probably numbering in the low thousands) of the most extreme al-Qaeda and Islamic State fighters left in Syria. Idlib is also home to more than two million civilians, including more than one million children. (...) Only after Idlib is secure, probably sometime next year, will Assad finally turn his attention to the east and begin his campaign to regain control of the large swaths of territory now in Kurdish hands. Regaining this territory, which includes the bulk of the country’s critical oil resources, will be key to Assad’s pledge to recapture every inch of Syria, and his eventual efforts to try to rebuild Syria’s devastated infrastructure."

Mehr lesen


"The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Three Scenarios to Expect From Turkey's Upcoming Elections"

Vor den türkischen Wahlen am 24. Juni hat Burak Kadercan vom United States Naval War College drei Szenarien des Wahlausgangs analysiert. "There are three possible scenarios: the good, the bad, and the ugly. In the 'good' scenario, Erdogan and his AKP are finally 'balanced' by an opposition victory in either the presidential or parliamentarian races (or both), an outcome that may stop Turkish democracy’s slide from majoritarianism to outright authoritarianism. The 'bad' scenario involves Erdogan scoring victories in both races. Under such circumstances, he and the AKP will further tighten their grip on Turkish political and social life, making it extremely difficult, if not impossible, for the opposition to have any chance of victory in elections down the road. Such an outcome would accelerate Turkey’s move toward an increasingly authoritarian regime that legitimizes its existence through a majoritarian understanding of democracy that passes the votes of the majority as the 'will of the people,' without acknowledging that the AKP closely controls much of the media and harshly silences opposing voices. The 'ugly' scenario entails either Erdogan or the opposition refusing to agree to the election results. In this scenario, Turkey will likely undergo either large-scale protests and instability, likely met by an authoritarian crackdown that would make the emergency rule of the last two years look like a day at the beach."

Mehr lesen


"Hiding and Biding No Longer: How China Could Emerge the Big Winner of Korean Peninsula"

Mason Richey hält einen diplomatischen Kompromiss beim Gipfeltreffen zwischen Donald Trump und Kim Jong-un nicht für ausgeschlossen und erklärt, warum China in diesem Fall als geheimer Gewinner betrachtet werden müsste. "(...) many underestimate the likelihood of an alternate result: a compromise in which North Korea retains a small (verifiably limited and capped) nuclear arsenal with non-intercontinental-range ballistic missiles in exchange for some combination of nuclear weapon production capacity dismantlement, a production halt on long-range missiles, nonproliferation promises, the aforementioned peace regime (including a formal Korean peninsula peace treaty and South-North reconciliation), diplomatic normalization, and economic measures such as sanctions reduction, aid packages, and international investment. Such a deal, which falls short of Washington’s current demands for complete denuclearization, would be admirably realistic. (...) A minimally nuclear-armed North Korea makes a virtue of necessity for China, as Pyongyang would be doing Beijing’s work for it: maneuvering the United States off the Korean peninsula through decoupling, whilst fomenting South Korea’s slow alliance rupture with the United States. Politically, the consequence would be to telegraph to Japan and other U.S. partners that Washington is unreliable. Geostrategically, China would achieve a significant step toward a key goal — getting the United States out of the first island chain."

Mehr lesen


"What ‘Generation Kill’ Tells a French Soldier About U.S. Military Culture"

Der französische Major Jean Michelin vergleicht die Militärkultur in den USA mit der in Frankreich und arbeitet die Unterschiede am Beispiel der seiner Ansicht nach sehr realistisch wirkenden Hollywood-Serie "Generation Kill" von 2008 heraus. "Popular depictions of war are essential because they help connect a military institution that tends to shroud itself in secrecy with the population it defends. Culture, as a whole, helps a nation process the scars of history. For example, the depiction of the Vietnam War through countless movies, series, and books, even terrible ones, changed the way American society looks at the war in hindsight. Looking at France, I am also convinced that had we made a similar effort with the traumatic war in Algeria, we would probably have a less schizophrenic relationship with that conflict today."

Mehr lesen

suche-links1 2 3 4 5suche-rechts

Hier finden Sie die Redaktion der Sicherheitspolitischen Presseschau.

Mehr lesen



Europa, Asien, Afrika, Amerika und weltweite Phänomene und Institutionen. Die bpb bietet ein breites Angebot zu internationalen Themen.

Mehr lesen


Informationsportal Krieg und Frieden

Wo gibt es Kriege und Gewaltkonflikte? Und wo herrscht am längsten Frieden? Welches Land gibt am meisten für Rüstung aus? liefert wichtige Daten und Fakten zu Krieg und Frieden.

Mehr lesen auf


Innerstaatliche Konflikte

Vom Kosovo nach Kolumbien, von Somalia nach Süd-Thailand: Weltweit schwelen über 280 politische Konflikte. Und immer wieder droht die Lage gewaltsam zu eskalieren.

Mehr lesen

Zahlen und Fakten


Kaum ein Thema wird so intensiv und kontrovers diskutiert wie die Globalisierung. "Zahlen und Fakten" liefert Grafiken, Texte und Tabellen zu einem der wichtigsten und vielschichtigsten Prozesse der Gegenwart.

Mehr lesen

Publikationen zum Thema

Coverbild Internationale Sicherheit im 21. Jahrhundert

Internationale Sicherheit im 21. Jahrhundert

Die internationale Sicherheit ist fragil und bedroht. Wie können und müssen demokratische Systeme ...

Internationale Sicherheitspolitik Cover

Internationale Sicherheitspolitik

Seit Ende des Ost-West-Konflikts hat sich die internationale Sicherheitspolitik deutlich verändert....

Zum Shop