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US-Soldaten in Afghanistan

2.7. Subsahara-Afrika

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Bloomberg vom 13.10.2020

"Trump Demands a Plan to Withdraw U.S. Troops From Somalia"


US-Präsident Trump hat offenbar Pläne für einen Abzug der stationierten US-Soldaten in Somalia in Auftrag gegeben. "President Donald Trump has told top advisers he wants to withdraw U.S. troops from Somalia, according to people familiar with the matter, allowing him to make good on campaign pledges to bring soldiers home even though the country remains beset by insurgents linked to al-Qaeda. The Pentagon has begun drafting plans for the president, and discussions have involved National Security Adviser Robert O’Brien, Defense Secretary Mark Esper and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Mark Milley, according to the people, who asked not to be identified discussing private deliberations. The U.S. has 650 to 800 troops in Somalia, according to the U.S. Africa Command, including special forces that are helping train Somalia’s army. All or almost all were sent during Trump’s presidency."

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The National Interest vom 10.10.2020

"Why Does Africa Have Such a Low Coronavirus Death Rate?"


Zu Beginn der Corona-Pandemie erwarteten viele Experten, dass die Zahl der Toten in Afrika besonders hoch sein wird. Kevin Marsh und Moses Alobo erklären, warum diese Prognosen bisher nicht eingetroffen sind. "Africa accounts for 17% of the global population but only 3.5% of the reported global COVID-19 deaths. All deaths are important, we should not discount apparently low numbers, and of course data collected over such a wide range of countries will be of variable quality, but the gap between predictions and what has actually happened is staggering. There has been much discussion on what accounts for this. As leads of the COVID-19 team in the African Academy of Sciences, we have followed the unfolding events and various explanations put forward. The emerging picture is that in many African countries, transmission has been higher but severity and mortality much lower than originally predicted based on experience in China and Europe. We argue that Africa’s much younger population explains a very large part of the apparent difference. Some of the remaining gap is probably due to under reporting of events but there are a number of other plausible explanations. These range from climatic differences, pre-existing immunity, genetic factors and behavioural differences."

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OilPrice.com vom 06.10.2020

"Russia Is Expanding Its Energy Influence In Africa"


Die verstärkte Kooperation Russlands mit Ländern in Afrika habe militärische, aber auch wirtschaftspolitische Gründe, schreibt Theo Locherer. "Part of Russia’s engagement with Africa is military. The Russian army and Russian private military contractors linked to the Kremlin have expanded their global military footprint in Africa, seeking basing rights in a half dozen countries and inking military cooperation agreements with 28 African governments, according to an analysis by the Institute for the Study of War. (…) Russia is the largest arms exporter to Africa, accounting for 39 percent of arms transfers to the region in 2013-2017. (…) Russia’s growing involvement in Africa can also be explained by its vital need to establish new commercial roads and diplomatic alliances after the Crimea-related Western sanctions imposed on Moscow in 2014. According to CSIS, an American think tank, Moscow recently tripled its trade with Africa, from $6.6 billion in 2010 to $18.9 billion in 2018. (…) Most African leaders have taken into account the advantages of aligning with Moscow to pursue political, security, and economic objectives. It allows them to have a more considerable margin of maneuver against international rules, by playing U.S. and Russia against each other".

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Reuters vom 06.10.2020

"West African leaders lift sanctions on Mali"


Die westafrikanischen ECOWAS-Länder haben ihre Sanktionen gegen die durch einen Putsch an die Macht gekommene Militärregierung in Mali aufgehoben. "'Taking into account the notable progress made towards a constitutional normalisation, and the support the process, the heads of states have decided to lift the sanctions on Mali, and called on partners to support Mali,' said the statement, signed by the chair of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)."

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Frankfurter Rundschau vom 28.09.2020

"18 Monate Probezeit"

https://www.fr.de/politik/18-monate-probezeit-90055507.html3. Bündnisse und internationale Diplomatie

Johannes Dieterich sieht die Gefahr, dass der westafrikanische Staat Mali auseinanderbrechen könnte als vorerst gebannt, berichtet die Frankfurter Rundschau. "Die Militärs, die Mitte August Staatschef Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta aus dem Amt geputscht hatten, machten jetzt Raum für eine Übergangsregierung. Sie entspricht weitgehend den Bedingungen des westafrikanischen Staatenbunds Ecowas, so dass Wirtschaftssanktionen aufgehoben werden könnten."

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The Washington Times vom 27.09.2020

"China's military might, aggressive policies spur talks of creating 'Asian NATO'"


Angesichts des militärischen Aufstiegs Chinas sei die Debatte über die Bildung einer "Asiatischen NATO" neu belebt worden, berichtet Guy Taylor. "Past efforts for an East Asian security alliance, such as the post-World War II Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) to guard against Cold War-era communism, failed to gain lasting traction. But that was before China’s emergence as a rising superpower — a reality NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has said is 'fundamentally shifting the global balance of power' in ways should motivate NATO itself to 'become more global.' Quietly, Trump administration officials have gone further. Deputy Secretary of State Stephen E. Biegun recently suggested that the informal defense alignment between the U.S., Japan, Australia and India already known as the Quad could be the beginning of a NATO-style alliance in Asia. 'It’s something that I think in the second term of the Trump administration or, were the president not to win, the first term of the next president, it could be something that would be very much worthwhile to be explored,' Mr. Biegun said at a U.S.-India strategic dialogue on Aug. 31."

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The Australian Strategic Policy Institute vom 25.09.2020

"Russia and China in the Arctic: assumptions and realities"


Die australische Russland- und Arktisexpertin Elizabeth Buchanan hat in einer Rede vor US-Abgeordneten in Washington drei verbreitete Annahmen über die russisch-chinesische Kooperation in der Arktis analysiert und widerlegt. "Strengthened commercial engagement between Russia and China on Arctic energy ventures is driving a notion that there’s a Sino-Russian alliance in the region. The reality is that mutual mistrust, centuries-old territorial tensions over the Russian Far East and hangovers from the Sino-Soviet split in the Cold War are all permanent features of the China–Russia relationship. They’ll continue to shape the strategic outlook, to an extent curtailing the two states’ ‘axis’ potential. Moscow and Beijing have both learned that nations don’t have allies, or partners. Secure, successful states seek merely mutually beneficial relationships. That sentiment frames Sino-Russian engagement in the Russian Arctic."

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Humanistischer Pressedienst vom 18.09.2020

"'Hexencamps' beschäftigen die Politik"


Bei den anstehenden Parlamentswahlen am 7. Dezember in Ghana gehe es um viel, weiß Hella Camargo zu berichten und konzentriert sich in ihrem Artikel für den Humanistischen Pressedienst auf den Hexenglauben in dem afrikanischen Land und wie es mit den sogenannten "Hexencamps" und ihren Bewohnerinnen weitergehen soll. "Vor den Parlamentswahlen am 7. Dezember im westafrikanischen Ghana versprechen die antretenden Parteien eine stabile Demokratie, Einsatz für die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, verbesserte Infrastruktur, Bildung und Umweltschutz. Neben diesen großen Themen, um die sich die Politik weltweit bemühen muss, stellt sich auch die Frage, wie es mit dem Hexenglauben und den 'Hexencamps' weitergeht, in denen der Hexerei beschuldigte Frauen untergebracht sind. Während die Konservativen die Camps renovieren wollen, ist es der Wunsch der Sozialdemokraten, die Camps zu schließen und die Würde der Beschuldigten wiederherzustellen."

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Foreign Policy Research Institute vom 16.09.2020

"Why Russia is a Geopolitical Winner in Mali’s Coup"


Samuel Ramani betrachtet Russland als heimlichen Gewinner des Militärputsches im westafrikanischen Mali. "Although there is insufficient evidence to make a conclusive determination about the Kremlin’s role in the coup, Russia is a potential geopolitical beneficiary from Mali’s political transition. In contrast to France, which cultivated close relations with Keita and has seen its political leverage in Mali dwindle as a result of the coup, Russia has immediately established cordial relations with Mali’s transitional government. (…) Russia is also viewed favorably by Malians who view France’s Operation Barkhane counterterrorism initiatives in the Sahel as a guise for neocolonialism. (…) Since Russia possesses a diverse array of partnerships in Mali and Sahel countries are frustrated with the counterterrorism policies of Western powers, Moscow could leverage the Mali coup to secure economic deals and bolster its geopolitical standing in West Africa."

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The National vom 15.09.2020

"Mali's French connection risks becoming tenuous"


Jean-Loup Samaan analysiert das schwierige Verhältnis Frankreichs zur Militärregierung in Mali. "Much like with the Americans in Iraq and Afghanistan, the French military strategy in Mali – and more broadly in the Sahel – has put an emphasis on strengthening local partners, either through joint counterterrorism operations or training missions. At the same time, French officials have repeatedly stressed that long-term security would be possible only if it is accompanied by socio-economic reforms. In fact, the two pillars of the G5 Sahel, founded in 2014, are security and development. However, the military coup in Mali represents a rebuttal of this strategy. By ignoring the rule of law, it has compromised the aspirations for better governance. Moreover, by stirring up political instability in Bamako, it risks jeopardising national security against terrorist organisations."

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Al-Monitor vom 14.09.2020

"Does France’s failure in Mali spell a victory for Turkey?"


Die sicherheitspolitische Rivalität zwischen Frankreich und der Türkei zeigt sich Fehim Tastekin zufolge auch in Mali. "France had been the first country to reach out to the military leaders in Mali after the 2012 military coup. This time, it was Turkey. This may have two different explanations: Ankara views Malian actors opposing France as allies, or it simply doesn’t want to miss the opportunity to establish ties with the prospective Malian leaders. Mali’s natural resources, including gold, copper, nickel, phosphate, manganese, uranium and lithium mines, are increasing the appetite of Turkey. (…) Meanwhile, [Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu’s] meeting with the junta leaders can be seen as the legitimization of the military coup. (…) France’s responsibility in Mali’s descent into unrest might be creating a power vacuum, which Turkey is eager to fill. However, failed French policies that ignored the country's other problems for the sake of the war on terror for the past eight years do not secure Turkey’s success. Moreover, France would not risk its stakes in Mali and Sahel region."

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UN Dispatch vom 08.09.2020

"The Links Between Climate and Security in the Sahel"


Mark Leon Goldberg präsentiert den Audiomitschnitt einer Podiumsdiskussion über den Zusammenhang zwischen den sicherheitspolitischen Problemen der Sahelzone und dem Klimawandel. "The Sahel region of Africa is routinely cited by the United Nations as one of the regions in the world that is most vulnerable to climate change. Many of the trends around climate change, like droughts and flooding, are felt more acutely by people in this region than anywhere else in the world. It is also a region with some profound security challenges, including political instability, armed conflict and insurgencies, extreme poverty and high levels of food insecurity. The international community has long sought to support peace and security in the region, but the results are mixed. (…) According to the OECD, with the exception of Senegal, every country in this region is considered either fragile or extremely fragile. (…) This episode is part of a series of episodes examining the relationship between climate and security, produced in partnership with CGIAR, the world’s largest global agricultural innovation network. This episode was taped live in front of a virtual audience and featured five panelists discussing the intersection of climate and security in the Sahel region of Africa."

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Al Jazeera English vom 07.09.2020

"Africa leaders: Mali military gov't must name president by Sep 15"


Die Regierungschefs der westafrikanischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft ECOWAS haben die Militärregierung in Mali aufgefordert, bis zum 15. September eine zivil geführte Übergangsregierung einzusetzen. "The 15-nation Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) slapped sanctions on Mali after the August 18 coup, including closing borders and banning trade, and has called for elections within 12 months. The military government has proposed a years-long, military-led transition back to civilian rule, but ECOWAS commission chief Jean-Claude Kassi Brou has insisted it be led by a civilian president and prime minister for a 12-month period."

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Al Jazeera English vom 31.08.2020

"What does the coup mean for Mali's spiralling security crisis?"


Joseph Stepansky analysiert die möglichen Auswirkungen des Militärputsches in Mali auf die sicherheitspolitische Krise im Land. "Despite early comparisons, however, armed groups in Mali are not likely to benefit as 'significantly' as they did from the political instability eight years ago, said Flore Berger, a Sahel research analyst at the International Institute for Strategic Studies. 'It's not gonna be like 2012 where they can actually take vast parts of the country,' she said. 'First of all, they're already there. They don't control the entire areas where they attack, but they're still there, they have quite a big presence.' 'They also have changed their tactics. They're not aiming at controlling major town centres. Now they aim at attacking and going south towards coastal West Africa,' Berger added. (…) With more questions than answers, many analysts agree that any transition will need to holistically contend the country's myriad issues, with the primary focus on the underlying problems that plague citizens across its far-flung reaches. 'The root causes of the security situation are not security in itself, but they are mostly the economic situation,' said Gregory Chauzal, a senior researcher and director of the SIPRI's Sahel West Africa programme."

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Al-Monitor vom 31.08.2020

"Algerians warn EU trade agreement could further decimate economy"


Am 1. September sind die letzten Hürden eines 2005 abgeschlossenen Freihandelsabkommens zwischen der EU und Algerien gefallen. Simon Speakman Cordall zufolge gibt es im Land zunehmende Sorgen über "verheerende" Konsequenzen für die algerische Wirtschaft. "(…) like many agreements between the economic powerhouse of the European Union and smaller states, the Association Agreement was always weighted in the EU’s favor. While acknowledging Algerian mismanagement, the absence of a clear industrial policy and the rentier nature of its economy, observers such as Chatham House’s Tin Hinane El Kadi point to structural deficiencies within the agreement itself. 'The 2005 free trade agreement has reproduced standard unequal division of labor between Algeria and European countries, whereby it has consolidated the position of the EU in North Africa as an exporter of high-value-added goods while leaving Algeria and other North African signatories in a position of a mere primary goods exporter and preventing it from significant tax revenues from EU products,' El Kadi wrote in emailed comments. Moreover, according to El Kadi, the agreement has also allowed major European companies free access into Algerian markets, destroying local enterprises while diminishing government revenue streams that could have been invested elsewhere through the absence of tariffs."

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