US-Soldaten in Afghanistan

The Spectator


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"Why Mohsen Fakhrizadeh was killed now"

David Patrikarakos schreibt, dass Israel mit dem Attentat auf einen iranischen Atomwissenschaftler eine Botschaft senden wollte. "Some say that Israel may have struck now as it had a final window under Trump. Biden, it is thought, might not be so accommodating to this sort of stuff. I’m not so sure. Israel would almost certainly seek a US greenlight to kill a major politician or general. That’s not so for almost anonymous nuclear scientists. Rather, it seems to me that someone somewhere has relayed a simple message: administrations may change, security concerns do not."

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"Macron alone: where are France’s allies in the fight against Islamism?"

Douglas Murray stellt enttäuscht fest, dass Präsident Macrons Aufruf zum Kampf gegen den Islamismus kaum internationale Befürworter gefunden habe. "Where are France’s friends and allies? Where has the German government been? Did Angela Merkel at any point join her French counterpart in condemning the pattern of violence followed by the exhortation of the extremists from the Turkish and Pakistani leaders? No — she remained silent, as though the protection of the principles of the French Republic are of no interest to Germany. (…) The most support Macron has had from other western leaders is a tweet from Mark Rutte, the Dutch Prime Minister. 'The Netherlands stands firmly with France and for the collective values of the European Union,' he said — although the silence of his European counterparts will speak volumes about how much those values are defended. Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister of Canada, even seemed to side with the Turks. When asked about Macron’s defence of the right to show cartoons, he replied that 'freedom of expression is not without limits'."

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"Xi’s world: Covid has accelerated China’s rise"

Die Corona-Pandemie habe den geopolitischen Aufstieg Chinas beschleunigt, stellt Rana Mitter fest. "Encouraged by its apparent success in controlling the virus, the CCP have begun to develop new ways of thinking about their economic policies, in particular when it comes to challenging the West more explicitly. The party uses the term 'dual circulation', which is a bland-sounding code for China’s unique approach to globalisation. It’s as powerful in its way as 'America First' or Brexit. It signifies that China is aiming to create two linked but distinct systems. One is a nationalist domestic economy that relies on another Mao-era term, zili gengsheng, or 'self-reliance,' linked to the 'Made in China 2025' agenda, which would see much of China’s critical industry brought home. The other is international engagement which expands China’s reach, particularly when it comes to technology."

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"Have Arab nations forgotten about Palestine by accepting Israel?"

Die Palästinenser befinden sich nach dem Abkommen zwischen Israel und den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten (VAE) in einer der schwierigsten Phasen ihrer Geschichte, meint Stephen Daisley. "Pan-Arab and pan-Muslim support for their cause has been central to the withholding of recognition and cooperation from Israel, but that is changing. Palestine no longer occupies the place it once did in the political and cultural identity of elites across the region, and even on the streets there has been a cooling off. It has not helped that the Palestinians have repeatedly rejected generous offers of peace, land and prosperity from the Israelis. If the Palestinian Authority doesn’t care about statehood, why should anyone else? Palestinian rejectionism has brought about a rejection of the Palestinians. (…) There is no solace to be taken in this: the Palestinians have suffered and continue to suffer. If the Arab world really is wiping its hands of them, Israel will find itself bearing even more responsibility for their welfare. Palestine may be off the agenda in the Arab nations, but in Israel normalisation might make the necessity of a Palestinian state all the more obvious."

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"Could the Covid crash spark another Arab Spring?"

Die Corona-Pandemie und die damit zusammenhängende Ölkrise könnten im Nahen Osten zu dramatischen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Verwerfungen führen, schreibt David Patrikarakos. "What makes this so bad for the non-GCC states in the Middle East and North Africa is that they pretty much all have potent anti-government movements. Right now, the Covid curfews keep them dormant. But these won’t last forever. These movements have the potential to explode – and circumstances are aligning in their favour. In Iraq and Algeria, it’s estimated that the informal economy – that collection of barbers, shopkeepers, day labourers and workers of every stripe who exist beyond the reaches of government, untaxed and uncounted – makes up roughly 67 per cent of the non-oil economy. They can expect no unemployment cheques or social security. They are facing a loss of income that is total. They are the ones who will form the masses of the next Arab Spring – or the ranks of the next ISIS."

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"Coronavirus marks the end of open borders in Europe"

Die Coronakrise dürfte der Idee eines Europas ohne Grenzen ein nachhaltiges Ende bereitet haben, meint Gavin Mortimer. "Humanitarian organisations must understand that the world is undergoing an unprecedented transformation, particularly in Europe where tens of thousands have already died from coronavirus as overstretched health services struggle to cope and economies are left on their knees. The continent is in the process of being reshaped and while Jeremy Corbyn may believe a new socialist dawn is on the horizon he would do well to temper his enthusiasm. Economically Europe may move to the left, but socially, the direction will be to the right. The era of open borders and mass immigration is over, at least for now, and the sooner the EU grasps this fact, the better. If they don't, then the future will belong to Matteo Salvini and Marine Le Pen and the AfD, and do they really want that?"

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"Two ways the coronavirus crisis will change Britain’s relationship with China"

Großbritannien werde seine Beziehungen zu China nach der Corona-Pandemie ernsthaft überdenken, ist James Forsyth sicher. Auch die Entscheidung über die Beteiligung Huaweis am 5G-Ausbau werde auf dem Prüfstand stehen. "In the same way that policy makers wanted to achieve 'food security' after World War Two, coronavirus will lead to a desire for ‘medical security’: that’ll mean the ability to produce medical equipment, vaccines and drugs here. When I asked one influential government figure what the most significant change brought about by this virus would be, I was told: 'We’re going to be doing a lot less trade with China after this'. China’s reaction to this crisis has underlined the kind of regime that it is. Chinese efforts to cover up information about Covid-19 were bad enough, but there has been shock at the use of China’s diplomatic network to spread misinformation about the origins of the pandemic. One close ally of the Prime Minister who had always defended Boris Johnson’s decision to allow Huawei to build part of the UK’s 5G network now concedes that there will need to be a rapid timetable to replace it with a supplier from a more trustworthy state."

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"How coronavirus could change the global order"

Nach Ansicht von Jonathan Haslam sollte die Corona-Pandemie vom Westen als Chance wahrgenommen werden, um China von effektiven Maßnahmen gegen gesundheitspolitisch bedenkliche Traditionen zu überzeugen. Auch auf anderen Gebieten könnte im Licht der Pandemie "sanfter Druck" auf Peking ausgeübt werden, so Haslam. "In coronavirus and Sars, China has been at the epicenter of genuinely life-changing diseases. The circumstances in which these illnesses developed are completely at odds with the animal welfare and health and safety regulations common in most developed nations. The trade in snakes, pangolins, bats and other wild animals has been outlawed by the Chinese authorities. Beijing has the authoritarian might to enforce the prohibition effectively, so long as they actually mean it. In some ways, it could be pushing at an open door with the Chinese population. These ingrained habits that have been inherited down the centuries, in fact, die hard with the older, more superstitious generations. (…) Western diplomacy might, if used judiciously, change Chinese behavior while Beijing is on the defensive. There could be gains to be had, for example, in the climate change debate but it is hard to think at this stage of any great improvements on human rights."

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"Can Macron halt the rise of Islamic extremism?"

Präsident Macron hat eine neue Kampagne zur Eindämmung des politischen Islams und des "islamistischen Separatismus" in Frankreich angekündigt. Nach Ansicht von Gavin Mortimer könnte es dafür bereits zu spät sein. "The alarm was first raised in 2002 with the publication of Les Territoires perdus de la République (The Lost Territories of the Republic) by Georges Bensoussan, in which he exposed the extent of this re-islamisation. The response of the chattering classes was to stigmatise Bensoussan as a bigot, but a decade later France was subjected to a wave of Islamist terror attacks. The killers came from the milieu described by Bensoussan. A milieu that according to a secret security report leaked to the press last month has since expanded to encompass 150 districts now under the control of Islamist extremists. Their influence was laid bare in a 2016 survey by a think tank that found that half of French Muslims under the age of 25 would prefer to live under Sharia law to Republican. The growing fear is that this generation will turn to political Islam if given the chance, and that opportunity will arise at next month’s municipal elections in which the Union of Democratic French Muslims (UDMF) is expected to make its presence felt. (…) Macron is certainly not the first president to talk tough on the subject of Islam, but that’s all France got from François Hollande, Nicolas Sarkozy and Jacques Chirac: rhetoric but no action. All the while political Islam continues its rise, creating ruptures within the Republic that a growing number of French believe are irreparable."

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"We’ve just had the best decade in human history. Seriously"

Kurz vor Beginn einer neuen Dekade besteht Matt Ridley darauf, dass die Menschheit dabei sei, das beste Jahrzehnt ihrer Geschichte zu beenden. In den Medien würden die vielen (auch ökologischen) Fortschritte kaum thematisiert, da schlechte Nachrichten sich generell besser verkaufen ließen. "We are living through the greatest improvement in human living standards in history. Extreme poverty has fallen below 10 per cent of the world’s population for the first time. It was 60 per cent when I was born. Global inequality has been plunging as Africa and Asia experience faster economic growth than Europe and North America; child mortality has fallen to record low levels; famine virtually went extinct; malaria, polio and heart disease are all in decline. Little of this made the news, because good news is no news. (…) Perhaps one of the least fashionable predictions I made nine years ago was that ‘the ecological footprint of human activity is probably shrinking’ and ‘we are getting more sustainable, not less, in the way we use the planet’. That is to say: our population and economy would grow, but we’d learn how to reduce what we take from the planet. And so it has proved. (…) As we enter the third decade of this century, I’ll make a prediction: by the end of it, we will see less poverty, less child mortality, less land devoted to agriculture in the world. There will be more tigers, whales, forests and nature reserves. Britons will be richer, and each of us will use fewer resources. The global political future may be uncertain, but the environmental and technological trends are pretty clear — and pointing in the right direction."

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"Bomb attacks are now a normal part of Swedish life"

Die Gang-Kriminalität in Schweden, die immer häufiger von Bombenanschlägen begleitet wird, hat Paulina Neuding zufolge ein bedrohliches Ausmaß erreicht. Die Gewalt entstehe überwiegend in sozial schwachen Einwanderervierteln und gefährde nach Ansicht einiger Experten mittlerweile die Autorität des Staates. "Wilhelm Agrell, professor of intelligence analysis at Lund University, has warned that the situation has become so dire that the integrity of the Swedish state is in jeopardy. 'The state’s monopoly on violence, the actual token of a sovereign government, has been hollowed out bit by bit and no longer exists,' he wrote a few weeks ago. 'The armed criminal violence is having effects that are increasingly similar to those of terrorism.' (…) Sweden’s gangs, which mainly operate out of the country’s socioeconomically weak immigrant neighbourhoods, do not only use explosives to assert their dominance. Sweden had 45 fatal shootings in so-called criminal environments last year — a tenfold increase in one generation. By contrast, Norway has fewer than three such shootings a year. According to the newspaper Dagens Nyheter, nine out of ten perpetrators of Sweden’s gang shootings are either first- or second-generation immigrants. The country has gone from having among the lowest rates of violent crime in western Europe to one of the highest. When it comes to bombings, no other developed country in the world which is not at war has experienced anything like Sweden’s epidemic."

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"Right from wrong: a guide to the new European politics"

Douglas Murray hält es für falsch, rechte Politiker wie Italiens Innenminister Matteo Salvini als "rechtsextrem" oder gar "faschistisch" zu bezeichnen. "Such terms are naturally thrown around by people who like to grandstand. But beneath them lies a well of confusion which urgently needs addressing. Terms such as 'fascist', 'far right' and 'white supremacist' are serious. Such sinister forces certainly exist, here in Britain and on the continent. But in recent years — especially since the Brexit and Trump votes — there has been an acceleration in claimed sightings and a blurring of the definitions. This is wrong not just because it means that perfectly decent people are maligned, but also because distinctly dangerous groups are confused with harmless ones. (...) In recent years this terminological mission-creep has morphed from being annoying to being disturbing. For if everybody is a fascist, then nobody is. And anyone who knows the scene across Europe will understand that we may well have need of these terms."

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"China’s surveillance technology is terrifying – and on show in London"

Chris Daw berichtet über seinen Besuch auf einer Messe für neue Sicherheitstechnologien in London, auf der das verstörende Potential chinesischer Überwachungstechnologien sichtbar geworden sei. "As soon as I arrived in the main exhibition hall with the production team, we were greeted by roving cameras, high-definition displays, drones and every variety of audio and video surveillance kit. All bar a handful of stands were manned by Chinese representatives, smiling politely, if somewhat stiffly, as we approached them. An enthusiastic Chinese saleswoman proudly demonstrated a surveillance system more sophisticated and frightening than I could have imagined. (...) the most concerning piece of technology of them all was featured on one prominent screen, which constantly displayed the passing crowds, me included. (...) Every single movement of every person in sight of the cameras was being captured by the system. The information was then analysed and used to predict our next moves, based on previous behaviour. This information can then be fed into a facial recognition system and linked to a database logging millions of faces a day, credit card data, travel records, body temperature, X-ray scanners, mobile phone GPS chips, car number-plate recognition systems and a profusion of other data sources. 'So you can really track everyone in society, wherever they go, whatever they do, 24 hours a day?' I asked. 'Yes! Of course!' came the eager reply."

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"Could Huawei destroy the special relationship?"


Nach dem jüngsten Drohbrief des US-Botschafters an die deutsche Bundesregierung fürchtet Michael Auslin, dass der Huawei-Streit auch die "besondere Beziehung" Großbritanniens zu den USA zerstören könnte. "Far more than Germany, Britain is a key intelligence partner of the United States, the cornerstone of the so-called 'Five Eyes' community. If Whitehall permits Huawei to set up 5G networks in Britain, the White House will face the unpleasant choice of ignoring its deeply held concerns about Huawei’s potential security risks or possibly cutting back intelligence cooperation with its closest ally. More than any other potential disagreement between across the Atlantic, the Huawei case could threaten the ‘special relationship’. (...) The UK differs from Germany, in that London has not allowed Huawei into its government networks, and also has demanded changes in the company’s security and engineering systems that could cost up to £2 billion to carry out. Yet, if the government does decide to allow Huawei into 5G commercial networks, it may be too difficult to monitor any unauthorised use of data by the company. It is also not inconceivable that, should it be determined that Huawei poses no commercial threat, sometime in the future it may be allowed to participate in government communications systems."

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"Demography has become the biggest story on the planet"

Lionel Shriver stellt das Buch "The Human Tide: How Population Shaped the Modern World" von Paul Morland vor, dem zufolge die moderne Welt vor allem durch demographische Entwicklungen geprägt wird. "Whether you also suffer from this unhealthy preoccupation or are simply shopping for a new way of looking at the world, this is a readable, trenchant, up-to-date overview of the biggest story on the planet — one in which we’re all actors. The author has a moderate bent, and doesn’t claim that population — its surging, contraction and migration — explains all of human history. But it comes awfully close. (...) The long view of the human race is inevitably less fascinating than a closer-in look at which peoples lead the race in a competitive sense. Since the 1960s, writing about demography has steadily shifted from regarding high fertility rates as tragically entrenching poverty to accepting that numbers confer power. Not mincing words, Morland declares boldly at the outset that ‘ethnicity matters politically’. He spells out that ‘nations and ethnic groups are real’ and ‘they matter in history’."

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"Why Isis is a bigger threat to France than the yellow vests"

In der aktuellen Debatte über die "Gelbwesten"- Revolte macht Gavin Mortimer darauf aufmerksam, dass die größere Gefahr für die nationale Sicherheit in Frankreich immer noch von den Anhängern des "Islamischen Staates" ausgehe. "Macron has been lucky in the first twenty months of his presidency. Compared to the wholesale slaughter of 2015 and 2016, France has escaped relatively unscathed in the last couple of years. (...) In total, 55 Islamist plots have been thwarted by the DGSI (Direction générale de la sécurité intérieure) since November 2013 but this year may be their busiest yet. Since the summer of 2018 a steady trickle of the 512 convicted Islamist terrorists in French prisons have been released after serving their sentences. Twenty were freed last year and thirty are due for release in 2019. These are committed Jihadists, young Frenchmen with an average age of 24, some of whom went to Syria in support of Isis and others who remained in France providing logical or moral support to the terror group. (...) The tenacious French police, like the country’s intelligence agencies, is being stretched to breaking point. Last year 61 Gendarmes and police officers took their own lives. Given their exhausted state, the president should prioritise pursuing those whose allegiance is to a black flag and not a yellow vest."

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"Death of a dissident: Saudi Arabia and the rise of the mobster state"

In vielen Medienberichten wird nach Ansicht von John R. Bradley derzeit ein unvollständiges Bild vom verschwundenen saudi-arabischen Journalisten Jamal Khashoggi gezeichnet. Khashoggi sei keineswegs ein Befürworter von westlicher Freiheit und Demokratie gewesen, sondern habe lange Zeit nicht nur als Beobachter, sondern als aktiver "Player" im Umfeld des Königshauses agiert. "The fate of Khashoggi has at least provoked global outrage, but it’s for all the wrong reasons. We are told he was a liberal, Saudi progressive voice fighting for freedom and democracy, and a martyr who paid the ultimate price for telling the truth to power. This is not just wrong, but distracts us from understanding what the incident tells us about the internal power dynamics of a kingdom going through an unprecedented period of upheaval. It is also the story of how one man got entangled in a Saudi ruling family that operates like the Mafia. Once you join, it’s for life, and if you try to leave, you become disposable. (...) The fate of Khashoggi is the latest sign of what’s really happening inside Saudi Arabia. For how much longer will our leaders look the other way?"

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"Why Africans like Trump"

Aidan Hartley stellt fest, dass das Ansehen von Donald Trump in Afrika trotz mancher unpässlicher Äußerungen des US-Präsidenten erstaunlich hoch sei. "A Pew Research Center poll across 25 countries released on Monday found that Trump is more popular in Africa than in any other continent. Some 56 per cent of Kenyans interviewed gave Trump the thumbs up and reckon he’s a positive influence on world affairs. Some 59 per cent of Nigerians agree, against a global median of 27 per cent. A massive 70 per cent of Kenyans have a favourable view of the United States, compared to 30 per cent among Germans. (...) the fact is that this is a continent of private enterprise. Poverty does that to you. People here do not much care that Trump cheats on Melania or that he has a Manhattan apartment that is so tasteless in its dictator chic that Emperor Bokassa of the Central African Empire would have looked at home there. These things are pretty common among the Big Men of Africa. But when Trump told African leaders last year that he saw ‘tremendous business potential’ in the continent and that he had a bunch of friends ‘trying to get rich’ there, he was speaking a language many understand."

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"Macron is quick to take on nationalism. What about Islamism?"

Gavin Mortimer wirft dem französischen Präsidenten Macron vor, der rasanten Ausbreitung des Salafismus unter französischen Muslimen kaum etwas entgegenzusetzen. Soziale Medien spielten eine zentrale Rolle beim Aufstieg der radikalen Ideologie. "In 15 years, the number of Salafists has increased by 900 per cent and the estimated 50,000 is a conservative guess. It may still represent a tiny fraction of France’s six million Muslims, but El Karoui warns that their influence grows steadily and he likens their appeal to that of communism – the dream of a utopia that will right all the wrongs of the world. (...) It’s no coincidence that Salafism has surged at the same time that social media has emerged as the biggest influence in western society. Two decades ago – when Salafism first came to France from Algeria – it barely registered on the consciousness of French Muslims; now, thanks to Twitter and Facebook it has the capacity to reach into every home and into every impressionable young mind. 'The Islamists’ ideology is progressing strongly among French Muslims,' says El Karoui. 'Notably the young are learning about their religion more and more on the social networks and less and less through family and at the mosques.'"

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"Israel’s nation state law backlash is what Netanyahu wanted"

Stephen Daisley zieht in seiner Analyse des umstrittenen Nationalstaatsgesetzes, das vor wenigen Tagen vom israelischen Parlament verabschiedet wurde, ein gemischtes Fazit. "Western liberals increasingly find Israel at odds with post-Christian universalism, the ‘any enemy of the West’ fallacy, and their suspicion of borders and self-defence. The Israeli right gets this but sees it as an opportunity to reorient Israel away from old allies to new ones. The United States remains Ally No. 1 but Israel now enjoys good relations with Russia, China and Hungary, all authoritarian states in which liberal opinion is seldom factored into policy decisions. What matters to these regimes is that they can do business with Israel — commercially and politically — and that’s enough. Netanyahu’s government no longer bothers to make the liberal case for Israel because it has become a harder case to make and because Netanyahu saw which way the nationalist and authoritarian winds were blowing before the rest of us. The Nation-State law is mostly reasonable, in some places badly worded, in others ill-motivated. It is also largely pointless, another fight picked with the left and the international community to win Netanyahu another majority."

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"Donald Trump’s meeting with Kim Jong-un is a victory for peace"

Auch Freddy Gray verteidigt das Ergebnis des Gipfeltreffens in Singapur gegen die scharfe Kritik mancher Gegner von US-Präsident Trump. "When Reagan met Gorbachev in Iceland, in 1987, people were quick to report that summit as a failure. Today is not quite so monumental; but it is nonetheless a big and optimistic moment. Jaw jaw always beats war war, and any foreign enemy who comes in from the Communist cold should be welcomed. It may all come to nothing. But it is progress. Trump has changed the realpolitik of the Korean Peninsula — no small feat. Bitter sounding Democrats point out how the very Republicans now cheering Trump would be booing if Obama had 'talked to a terrorist' as the American President did today. That may be true, but Republicans would have been wrong then, and Democrats are wrong now. The point is, Obama never was able to make progress on the North Korean problem. Trump appears to be. Are we all so pathetically partisan — and eaten up with Trump hatred — that we can’t put the promise of peace above politics?"

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"The spectacular silliness of international summits"

Nach der medialen Aufregung über den Auftritt Donald Trumps beim jüngsten G7-Treffen in Toronto schreibt Kelly Jane Torrance, dass Gipfel dieser Art häufig politisch vage und letztlich sogar "albern" seien. "No international summit takes place — and I’m including the one about to start in Singapore — without detailed planning beforehand and a general agreement on what will come out of it. There’s too much at stake to do it any other way — the risk being to reputations, not to anything as grandiose and unlikely as world peace. That’s why American diplomats and policymakers spent days talking to their North Korean counterparts in New York, Washington, Korea’s DMZ, and Singapore before even committing fully to the June 12 summit. (...) Yes, the 'sophomoric' — Trump economic adviser Larry Kudlow’s word on CNN’s State of the Union for Trudeau’s power play — spat is far more interesting than the 4,000-word agreement countless diplomats spent many hours crafting that was meant to summarise the summit. I suspect the personal will also be more fascinating than the political in Singapore this week."

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"Should Germany expel American ambassador Richard Grenell?"

Jacob Heilbrunn vom Magazin The National Interest ist sogar der Ansicht, dass die Bundesregierung den umstrittenen US-Botschafter Richard Grenell nach dessen jüngsten Äußerungen mit gutem Grund ausweisen könnte. "Does Richard Grenell, the American ambassador to Germany, want to carry out another round of regime change in Deutschland? This is the construction that is being placed upon his temerarious remarks to Breitbart by many German politicians about his desire to support the populist right across Europe: 'I absolutely want to empower other conservatives throughout Europe, other leaders. I think there is a groundswell of conservative policies that are taking hold because of the failed policies of the left.' (...) Ostensibly, Germany is an ally of America, though Trump’s actions will inevitably prompt it to ponder whether it should begin to regard Washington as an adversary. It would be well within its rights to expel Grenell."

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"Why should France tolerate Islamic intolerance?"

In Frankreich ist einer algerischen Frau die Staatsbürgerschaft verweigert worden, nachdem diese sich aus religiösen Gründen geweigert hatte, die Hand des zuständigen Beamten zu schütteln. Während das Vorgehen der Behörden in einigen Medien kritisch beurteilt worden ist, verteidigt Gavin Mortimer die Entscheidung. "(...) why would any western country welcome a woman who shuns one of its oldest and most courteous customs? If she finds shaking hands with a man beyond the pale, one is entitled to suspect she may not look too favourably on gays and Jews. Anti-Semitism is now so profound in France that on Sunday 250 well-known figures, including Nicolas Sarkozy and Manuel Valls, signed a letter warning that the country’s Jews are victims of 'ethnic purging' at the hands of 'radical Islamists'. (...) Of course, there are plenty of Muslims who are fully integrated into French society. But life is not always easy for them. Emmanuel Macron has been talking much in recent weeks of his determination to tackle what he calls the 'underground Islamism' that seeks to 'corrupt'. (...) in rejecting her application, the French have demonstrated that they won’t tolerate the intolerance of extremists."

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"On foreign policy, Trump is more like Obama than he would like to admit"

Die jüngsten Drohungen des US-Präsidenten gegen Syrien und Russland erinnern Freddy Gray trotz des eigenwilligen Auftretens Donald Trumps an dessen Amtsvorgänger. Auch Barack Obama habe international keine erkennbare Strategie verfolgt, sich von Krisen im Nahen Osten ablenken lassen, und Verbündeten erlaubt, die USA in unnötige Militäreinsätze zu ziehen. "Trump and Obama are instinctively more dovish than the foreign policy establishments in Paris, London and Washington. But they are quite easily led. Emmanuel Macron is now to Trump what Sarkozy was to Obama or Blair was to Bush – a disastrous intervention enabler. The French president has been reportedly ‘egging on’ the American Commander-in-chief to take action against Assad for his latest reported use of chemical weapons, never mind the possible nuclear fallout with Russia. And (...) both men are under the strong influence of the Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammad bin Salman, who funnily enough was in America last week and France on Monday. Salman wants to hurt Assad because he wants to hamper his closest ally, Iran."

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"Why do politicians refuse to tell it how it is on immigration?"

Douglas Murray verweist auf eine neue Umfrage in EU-Ländern, in der sich eine große Mehrheit für einen besseren Schutz der Außengrenzen der EU ausgesprochen habe. "(...) anyone wishing to dismiss this as a solely Visegrad concern will be disappointed. Not only do 78 per cent of all Europeans think that illegal immigration into their countries is a problem, in every single European country more people think that it is a serious problem than think it is not a problem or not a very serious problem. (...) Despite often outrageous claims to the contrary, this is not to say that Europeans are hostile to those legitimately fleeing war or conflict. Far from it. But what the Project 28 figures once again show is that most people want Europe to respond (as Britain does) by helping people in the region they are fleeing rather than encouraging them to come to Europe. Fully 81 per cent of the European public agree that immigrants should be helped in their own countries, with almost half (48 per cent) saying that the EU should provide ‘substantial financial support’ to the countries where they are currently residing, like Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey."

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"Cambridge Analytica’s use of Facebook is straight from Obama’s playbook"

Freddy Gray meint, dass die aufgeregte Berichterstattung vieler Medien über die Verwendung der Daten von Facebook-Nutzern durch das Unternehmen Cambridge Analytica auch auf die Verbindung zum Präsidentschaftswahlkampf Donald Trumps zurückzuführen sei. Dass Barack Obama in seinem Wahlkampf 2012 eine ähnliche Facebook-Strategie verfolgt habe, werde dabei kaum erwähnt. "It’s clever and complicated, but what it boils down to is that Obama’s data scientists were able to persuade about a million Facebook users to connect their profile to the Obama campaign website. They were then able to access the profiles of these people, which also showed who their friends were. From this they were able to construct real life social networks, which enabled them to target many, many more potential Obama voters. (...) What Cambridge Analytica did, in essence, was the same as the Obama campaign in 2012 – though they had a smaller sample group of 250,000 to model from. The vital difference is that Facebook didn’t officially permit CA to use its data and API in 2016. (...) the essential point is that when Obama did it, such practices were written up in glowing terms. His campaign’s social media tactics were widely lauded for harvesting ‘the power of friendship’. But when Trump or Brexit do it, apparently, it’s evil."

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"Italians aren’t fascists. They’re angry about immigration"

Der Rechtsruck bei den italienischen Parlamentswahlen sollte nicht als Rückkehr der Ideen Mussolinis oder von Nazi-Saluten fehlinterpretiert werden, meint Nicholas Farrell in diesem Beitrag aus dem Vorfeld der Wahlen. Der Wahlkampf sei vor allem von der Migrationskrise dominiert worden, die von vielen Italienern angesichts der schwierigen wirtschaftlichen Lage als zunehmende Belastung empfunden werde. "One way to understand the mood of Italians as they go to the polls is to imagine Britain with 35 per cent youth unemployment and an overall unemployment rate of roughly 15 per cent, mired for a decade in more or less permanent economic recession, throttled by the fourth highest public debt in the world as a percentage of GDP (132 per cent)costing €70 billion a year to service, unable — as a prisoner of the single currency — to do anything meaningful to solve the problem, except austerity and more job cuts. Imagine if a fleet of NGO and EU vessels was ferrying into such a bleak situation from as far away as Quimper on the French Atlantic coast — let us say, as the distance is the same — more than half a million migrants, who are nearly all men and masquerading as refugees, to Southampton. Do we not think, in those circumstances, immigration would be a major election issue in Britain?"

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"Why Trump’s ‘trade war’ makes strategic sense"

Daniel McCarthy meint, dass der drohende "Handelskrieg" der USA mit Europa, China und anderen Ländern aus amerikanischer Sicht durchaus einen strategischen Sinn ergeben würde. Japan, Südkorea und Taiwan würden als amerikanische Verbündete unter den Stahlzöllen zwar ebenfalls leiden, China habe allerdings besonders stark vom bisherigen liberalen Handelsregime profitiert. "If power differentials count — and they do — Washington’s way of doing business has only fed a great power rival while slowly starving America herself of hard industry. (...) China built up its manufacturing power though exports, while impeding foreign access to its domestic markets (often granting access only in exchange for technology transfers and joint-venture arrangements that gave Chinese companies access to everyone else’s R&D). The goal, for men like Xi, wasn’t just prosperity — it was prosperity in the service of the state, economic power that would fuel China’s rise as a world strategic power. (...) Trump’s tariffs by themselves won’t stop that. But they may mark the beginning of the end of American complacency toward the economic foundations — the industrial foundations — of world power. Non-liberal China would simply devour a liberal world order, but a world order in which America (and ultimately its allies too) cherishes its industrial strength is one that has a chance of being balanced."

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Europa, Asien, Afrika, Amerika und weltweite Phänomene und Institutionen. Die bpb bietet ein breites Angebot zu internationalen Themen.

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Wo gibt es Kriege und Gewaltkonflikte? Und wo herrscht am längsten Frieden? Welches Land gibt am meisten für Rüstung aus? liefert wichtige Daten und Fakten zu Krieg und Frieden.

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Vom Kosovo nach Kolumbien, von Somalia nach Süd-Thailand: Weltweit schwelen über 280 politische Konflikte. Und immer wieder droht die Lage gewaltsam zu eskalieren.

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Kaum ein Thema wird so intensiv und kontrovers diskutiert wie die Globalisierung. "Zahlen und Fakten" liefert Grafiken, Texte und Tabellen zu einem der wichtigsten und vielschichtigsten Prozesse der Gegenwart.

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