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"Populism lives"


Brendan O'Neill erklärt, warum der von Donald Trump verkörperte Populismus bei den US-Präsidentschaftswahlen keineswegs geschlagen worden sei. "The elites’ dream of populism’s decline seems to be giving way to a stark realisation – populism lives. Indeed, a new populist coalition seems to be emerging. The seeming shifts in voting behaviour among various social and ethnic groups in the US are fascinating. According to one exit poll, the only social group that has significantly shifted to the Democrats is white men, while white women, black men and black women, and, most strikingly, Latinos have shifted towards Trump. (…) And then there is class. It’s still unclear, and it is not a uniform phenomenon, but it seems likely that significant sections of working-class America are voting for Trump. That’s working-class whites, blacks and Latinos. A Bloomberg News analysis of which professions made donations to the Trump campaign and which made donations to the Biden campaign was incredibly revealing."

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"Democracy besieged"


Frank Furedi stellt fest, dass die Demokratie im Westen heute auch von einigen "Antipopulisten" und Umweltaktivisten in Frage gestellt werde. "Environmental campaigners claim that democracy works far too slowly to be able to deal with the 'climate emergency'. Opponents of Brexit openly argue that 'yes, there is such a thing as too much democracy'. And others unashamedly declare, as the Financial Times’ Janan Ganesh does, that 'democracy works better when there is less of it'. American economist Garrett Jones is at least honest in expressing his disdain for voters. In his '10% Less Democracy: Why You Should Trust Elites a Little More and the Masses a Little Less', he argues for a modest contraction of democratic accountability on the grounds that it would allow experts the freedom to get on with deciding what is in our best interests. Jones’ unabashed elitism is all too common among academics, commentators and the broader leadership class. In their heart of hearts, they really do believe that ordinary citizens are their moral inferiors."

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"We must refuse to play the Islamists’ game"


Islamisten nutzen den Vorwurf der "Islamophobie" regelmäßig, um moderate Muslime gegen staatliche Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung extremistischer Netzwerke in Stellung zu bringen, schreibt Alaa al-Ameri. "Islamists of various strands – from the Muslim Brotherhood and Jamaat-e-Islami to Salafists and Iranian-linked Shia groups – have effectively taken over Muslim communities in Britain and Europe through their foreign-funded mosques, educational establishments and (ostensible) charitable organisations. While using these podiums to delegitimise moderate voices and encourage a grievance-laden, separatist mindset over several decades, Islamists also use the communities they claim to represent as political bargaining chips and human shields against scrutiny. (…) Emmanuel Macron’s departure from conventional wisdom is to see the Islamist movement in its entirety as an infringement on French sovereignty. Rather than 'peaceful' Islamists and 'violent extremists', he sees a single movement whose tactics are mutually reinforcing."

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"ISIS Beatles: a failure of British justice"


Liam Duffy findet es bedenklich, dass zwei britische IS-Extremisten, denen Gewaltverbrechen in Syrien vorgeworfen werden, erst von Großbritannien in die USA ausgeliefert werden mussten, um in einem Prozess verurteilt werden zu können. "How two young west Londoners have found themselves in American custody, accused of kidnap, torture and murder, merits some attention, as it does not reflect well on Britain’s justice system. (…) Given the unprecedented terror threat Britain has faced in recent years, there was little appetite to repatriate the British jihadis, whose citizenship had been revoked in 2014. Enthusiasm only declined further when the Crown Prosecution Service determined that – despite their extensive crimes and involvement in the murders of British hostages, Alan Henning and David Haines – there was insufficient evidence to prosecute. Prosecution in the UK was 'not feasible', it decided. In other words, if 'the Beatles' had made it to a British court they would have likely walked free – as 90 per cent of ISIS returnees already have."

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"Science is now just another wing of politics"


Ben Pile beklagt nach der offenen Unterstützung des renommierten Magazins "Scientific American" für den US-Präsidentschaftskandidaten Joe Biden, dass die Wissenschaft zu einem politischen Akteur geworden sei und ihren Anspruch auf Objektivität verloren habe. "(…) science is increasingly expected to carry the moral, economic and political weight for increasingly worthless political campaigns. (…) The idea that policies can be 'fact-based' or 'science-based' is itself an ideological claim, no matter how hard we wish for it to be otherwise. Scientists making such claims try to pass themselves off as honest brokers. (…) When institutional science attaches itself to politics, to support candidates, it loses any claim to objectivity, and any ability to speak truth to power. Science and SciAm will be unable to say anything about either president’s claims without bringing their own conflicted positions to the spotlight. If Biden wins, scientific institutions like important journals will become mere cronies. And if Trump wins, they will look like bitter losers. Scientists risk creating a situation in which society will no longer trust in the objectivity of institutional science."

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"Julian Assange: the press-freedom trial of the century"


Fraser Myers bezeichnet das wieder aufgenommene britische Auslieferungsverfahren gegen Julian Assange als "Prozess des Jahrhunderts". Investigativer Journalismus könnte bald nach Bedarf zu einem Akt des Verrates erklärt werden, so seine Sorge. "You could be forgiven for wondering why there has been so little press coverage and commentary over what could well prove to be the most important press-freedom trial of the century so far. Wikileaks once provided journalists with a rich treasure trove of stories, and Assange’s conviction would pose a terrifying danger to press freedom. But at the same time, Assange’s leaks did not only expose the wrongdoings of governments and state agencies – in a way, their also exposed the journalists who had propagandised on governments’ behalf. These 'official truth-tellers', says veteran journalist John Pilger, were 'exposed as collaborators'. (…) But journalists who are interested in exposing the lies and the wrongdoings of their governments should fear the precedent which could be set by Assange. If the US succeeds, it could turn investigative journalism into an act of treason."

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"After 9/11: can we still talk about Islamist terror?"


Rakib Ehsan vom Centre on Radicalisation and Terrorism der Henry Jackson Society meint in seinem Kommentar zum Jahrestag von 9/11, dass es heute deutlich schwieriger geworden sei, offen über die Bedrohung durch den islamistischen Terrorismus zu sprechen. "In recent years (…) there has been an increasing amount of thought-policing when it comes to discussion of terrorism – particularly Islamist extremism. This was demonstrated earlier in the year, when The Times revealed that, following calls by the National Association of Muslim Police (NAMP), counter-terrorism police officials had considered dropping the term 'Islamist' when referring to religiously motivated terror attacks carried out by Muslim fundamentalists. (…) A reluctance to acknowledge the specific religious motivations behind certain acts of terror makes it more difficult to develop the social initiatives, political strategies and security arrangements that we need to contain their possible spread in the future. Empty platitudes over the peacefulness of religious ideologies do not achieve much when it comes to maximising public security and community safety."

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"Identity politics is turning violent"


Frank Furedi findet es bedenklich, dass einige Medien in ihren Kommentaren zu den laufenden Black Lives Matter-Protesten in den USA versuchen, Zerstörung und Plünderungen zu "normalisieren". "Until recently, looting was seen as a symptom of community decay. It was condemned as sickening anti-social behaviour. In previous times, even those who were sympathetic to the cause and the outlook of people engaged in riots would stop short of supporting looting. Social scientists wrote studies explaining why people rioted and looted. Their aim was to understand why in some cases people adopt destructive forms of behaviour that injure their own communities. In some instances social scientists argued that rioting should be seen as the political expression of people without a voice. Today it is very different. Some in the cultural elites are no longer just interested in trying to explain why rioting and looting sometimes take place – they are actually justifying looting and extolling its virtues."

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"BDS: an anti-Semitic crusade"


Ron Katz vom Tel Aviv Institute bezeichnet die BDS-Bewegung sogar als "antisemitischen Kreuzzug", der sich von Beginn an unter dem Deckmantel moralischer Entrüstung gegen den Staat Israel gerichtet habe. "BDS, which urges boycotts and other measures against all Israeli goods, academic institutions and cultural institutions, was certainly innovative. Not for its anti-Israel posturing, which is all too familiar on the contemporary left, but for its boycott-washing. In other words, it purposely disguised its loathing of Israel as a morally driven boycott, on a par with Parks’ stand against city-wide racial discrimination in 1950s Alabama. BDS therefore looked moral. But then, that was the point of the boycott-washing. It cleaned up the immoral reality of BDS’s real mission: to cancel Israel. (…) BDS has been going for 15 years now. It is arguably more entrenched in Western academia and its unions than it was when BDS and Hunt were driving it forward in 2005. Yet, whether out of fear or apathy, the willingness of academic and public institutions to turn a blind eye to boycott-washing could have terrible long-term consequences."

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"No, Putin is not a global mastermind"


James Heartfield stellt das Buch "Shadow State" des britischen Journalisten Luke Harding vor, dem zufolge sowohl der Wahlsieg Donald Trumps als auch das Brexit-Referendum von 2016 auf verdeckte Umtriebe Russlands zurückzuführen seien. Heartfield ist von dieser Argumentation nicht beeindruckt: "(…) happily for those who still cannot get over Brexit or Trump, they have doggedly developed an excuse for rejecting the legitimacy of the results, which does not involve explicitly attacking voters. That excuse goes by the name of Vladimir Putin. This means that every political defeat suffered by the liberal elites, indeed every bad thing that happens in the world, is now attributed to the malevolent actions of the Russian president. In the old days, when the middle classes lost a war, or an election, they would blame the Jews. Today, they prefer to blame the Russians. Putin is the go-to alibi for every failed liberal project. He is the dog-ate-my-homework excuse for all the lame Democrat and Remain campaign organisers and sulking Guardian commentators."

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"The lethal folly of humanitarian interventionism"


Philip Cunliffe argumentiert in seinem Buch "Cosmopolitan Dystopia", dass die wahre Bedrohung der liberalen internationalen Ordnung nicht von autoritären Staaten, sondern liberalen Interventionisten ausgehe, die die westliche Militärmacht einsetzen, um humanitäre Ziele in anderen Ländern mit oft verheerenden Folgen gewaltsam durchzusetzen. James David Hodgson hat sich mit Cunliffe in einem E-Mail-Interview über dessen Thesen unterhalten. "Overcoming cosmopolitan dystopia thus requires restoring the belief in the desirability, capacity and will to collective self-government embodied in the principle of sovereignty. Sovereignty is vital not just to preserve political autonomy in the developing world but also within industrialised nations, by helping to delineate political responsibility clearly, and thus helping ensure political accountability. Who is responsible to whom? The global defence of human rights always provided a ready means for Western governments to suppress not only the independence of formerly colonised countries, but also the claims of their own citizens. Sovereignty, by contrast, disciplines states to limit themselves to defending their own citizens’ interests. A state that claims to stand for global humanity ultimately stands for no one."

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"The Russia report is full of prejudice, but no evidence"


Der Russland-Report des britischen Parlaments enthält nach Ansicht von Tim Black viele Annahmen und Spekulationen, aber keine handfesten Belege für eine tatsächliche russische Beeinflussung britischer Referenden. "Here is the killer line: 'There have been widespread public allegations that Russia sought to influence the 2016 referendum… The impact of any such attempts would be difficult – if not impossible – to assess, and we have not sought to do so.' That, in a nutshell, is it. It mentions pre-existing ‘open source’ reports on the role of Russian bots on social media. But it doesn’t confirm or deny these reports. In fact, it provides no evidence of Russian interference in the Brexit vote, nor, moreover, does it search for any. (…) Perhaps this caricature of Russia and Russians shouldn’t be a surprise, given the identity of those ‘experts’ the committee relied on outside the ‘intelligence community’: two New Cold War advocates in the shape of Anne Applebaum and Edward Lucas; avowed anti-Putin activist and hedge-fund manager William Browder; an ex-member of Margaret Thatcher’s Soviet Advisory team and NATO adviser called Christopher Donnelly; and last but not least, Christopher Steele, the spook-for-hire responsible for producing the dirty and very dodgy dossier alleging Donald Trump was a Russian asset – in fact, just recently a British court found Steele guilty of failing to check claims made in said dossier. These aren’t dispassionate experts on the Russian state and the politics of Russia; they are veterans of the old and new Cold War."

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"Antifa is not the problem here"


Tom Slater schreibt, dass US-Präsident Trump derzeit versuche, die Unruhen in den USA in einen Kampf gegen linke Randgruppen wie die Antifa umzudeuten. Viele Antifa-Anhänger seien ohne Zweifel gewalttätig und kriminell, ihre Zahl und ihr Einfluss seien allerdings deutlich geringer als Trump suggeriere. "(…) the focus on out-of-town agitators only distracts from the fact that a significant proportion of the carnage is people smashing up their own cities and neighbourhoods – revealing a deep disaffection and alienation among sections of the African-American population that Trump is fundamentally ill-equipped to reckon with, even if he wanted to. What’s more, proscribing Antifa as a domestic terror group would have a devastating impact on civil liberties. (…) None of this is to say that the modern Antifa movement isn’t nasty and contemptible. Its recent rise in violent activities has less to do with a real resurgence of violent street fascism than it does with Antifa types’ increasingly promiscuous definition of fascism. Some of their targets in recent years have included black Trump supporters and an Asian-American journalist. These people aren’t anti-fascists. They are the militant wing of intolerant woke culture, seeking meaning and purpose in a kind of ultra-violent cosplay. That these middle-class goons see themselves in the tradition of the International Brigades or the Battle of Cable Street is a sick joke. They shame the proud history of anti-fascist mobilisation."

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"We are pushing the world’s poorest to the brink"


Daniel Ben-Ami macht auf die Folgen des westlichen Corona-Lockdowns für die ärmsten Länder der Welt aufmerksam. Die globale Wirtschaftskrise könnte die Einwohner dieser Länder sehr viel härter treffen als die unmittelbaren gesundheitlichen Folgen der Corona-Pandemie, so seine Warnung. "Poorer countries – sometimes called developing economies or emerging markets – are facing not one but several interrelated shocks: the health impact of the pandemic itself; the domestic economic impact of shutdowns; the economic shock caused by the falling demand from the West; and the painful reverberations of tightening financial conditions. (…) If economic output in the advanced economies contracts by six per cent this year – as forecast by the IMF – and their economies slump, the poorer countries will suffer a loss in income from exports. (…) the plight of the poorer countries gives added weight to the demands to end the generalised lockdown in the West. Certainly, the most vulnerable section of the population should be shielded. But shutting down economies for prolonged periods will have devastating human consequences, not only on the richer countries, but, even more so, in the poorer ones."

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"Experts: know your limits"


Norman Lewis hält es für falsch, für politische Entscheidungen in der Coronakrise unhinterfragt nur den Ratschlägen von Epidemiologen und anderen medizinischen Experten zu folgen. "Those calling for rule by experts fail to understand that while experts’ views are critical in the fight against Covid-19, the decisions reached must be political ones which require judgement based not just on expert opinion or on scientific facts. The inherent danger of the elevation of the expert occurs when this expertise becomes a substitute or a crutch for the exercise of political judgement. (…) The title of ‘expert’ does not accord experts, or the governments relying on them, with untouchable superpowers. It does not mean they can talk authoritatively about anything outside of their specialist knowledge. Nor do they possess magical powers to dissolve criticism. 'Shut up', we are told, 'they are experts, they know what is right'. A new tyrannical moral order of experts, socially distanced from ordinary people, has emerged, and it is fast becoming a foil behind which bad judgements are being insulated from public opinion."

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"Are we all authoritarians now?"


Austin Williams findet es beunruhigend, wie schnell der Westen in der Coronakrise zu einem "Autoritarismus" nach chinesischem Vorbild gefunden habe. "How have we lost our moral compass in such a short space of time? The medical basis for state-enforced isolation is still debatable. But even if it is a fundamental necessity to protect lives, should we be welcoming confinement so eagerly? Should we really be asking for ever-more state powers to enforce lockdowns? Shouldn’t we be defending liberty, free movement and assembly rather than accepting restraint at the behest of the political and medical establishment? I am not suggesting that we all rush out and hug each other, but it seems that Western values can be usurped and abandoned much more easily than we ever imagined. That ought to be a cause for concern, and maybe something worthy of national debate. Instead, those advocating for the liberal rights that have upheld the cause of Western societies for centuries are frequently shouted down and branded 'irresponsible' or 'dangerous'. In the words of the Chinese state, penalties will be enforced in order to ensure a harmonious society. Responsible citizens and trustworthy actions are rewarded; dissenters are blacklisted."

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"Don’t blame the AfD for Hanau"


Sabine Beppler-Spahl hält es für einen Fehler, der AfD die Schuld für den rechtsterroristischen Anschlag in Hanau zu geben. AfD-Kritiker verfolgten damit letztlich die gleiche Taktik, die von der Partei nach radikalislamischen Anschlägen angewendet werde. In beiden Fällen sei das Ergebnis, dass die Ursachen der Gewalt ausgeblendet und stattdessen lediglich mehr soziale Kontrolle und staatliche Zensur gefordert werden. "The irony here is that the likes of Klingbeil and Augstein are doing precisely what they have so often criticised the AfD for doing – namely, exploiting an act of terrorism to further their own political agendas. So, when a depraved Islamist killed 12 people, and injured many more, at a Berlin Christmas market in December 2016, many were rightly outraged at the AfD’s attempt to blame the attack on Merkel and her immigration policies, with the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung accusing the AfD of 'abusing the dead for its own campaigns'. Yet these selfsame critics of the AfD’s exploitation of terrorism are now blaming the AfD for the act of a crazed individual. It marks another low point for political debate in Germany. (…) Far from encouraging a broad debate about the nature of Islamist and far-right terrorism, the society in which it is happening and how we might best respond, too many seem intent on demanding ever more social control and censorship."

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"The Syrian crisis can’t be solved by the West"


Tim Black erinnert daran, dass die syrische Idlib-Provinz immer noch von der radikalislamischen Terrormiliz Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) dominiert wird. Die Kämpfe in der Provinz seien die Fortsetzung eines internationalisierten Bürgerkriegs, für den auch der Westen verantwortlich sei. "(…) the uncomfortable truth is that there is no space 'above the conflict'. No umpire’s chair from which Western powers can judge and intervene solely on humanitarian grounds. Because they are already implicated in the conflict. They have already taken (multiple) sides. If Miliband, his NGO ilk and the Western powers to which they are in thrall are serious about helping the Syrian people, they could start by doing what they have singularly failed to do so far: leave Syria alone."

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"The evil of Shamima Begum"


Die britische Regierung hat Shamima Begum, die sich als 15-jährige dem "Islamischen Staat" in Syrien angeschlossen hat, im vergangenen Mai die Staatsbürgerschaft entzogen. In der vergangenen Woche ist der erste juristische Einspruch gegen diese Entscheidung gescheitert. Brendan O'Neill findet es erstaunlich, dass Begum in der öffentlichen Debatte über diesen Fall immer wieder als Opfer charakterisiert wird. "This is increasingly how most Islamic radicals are viewed: as sad, corrupted individuals, led astray online, not really in charge of their own emotions and decisions, and in dire need of the therapeutic assistance of ‘deradicalisation’. This is in stark contrast to the way that white fascists are viewed. They, quite rightly, are seen as evil people, as conscious, willing enforcers of a wicked supremacist outlook. By contrast, radical Islamists – despite having carried out far greater murderous mayhem in the UK in recent years than traditional fascist groups have – are always seen as having been ‘groomed’, as having been ‘radicalised’ in a tragic, passive way that they cannot really control."

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"Europe and the great migration"


Helene Guldberg stellt das neue Buch "The Unsettling of Europe: The Great Migration, 1945 to the Present" von Peter Gatrell vor, der Ursachen und Konsequenzen der großen Migrationsbewegungen in Europa seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs analysiert hat. "Today, the debate about migration and immigration is often presented as a moral one – with one side valuing 'tolerance' and 'openness' and the other cast as 'racist' and 'xenophobic'. We urgently need to move beyond these shrill, faux debates, and explore the effects of migration more honestly. The Unsettling of Europe is a welcome contribution to this debate, because it does what so few other studies do: focuses clearly on the forces driving migration, and on the effects of migration on those who are uprooted."

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"How the left gives cover to Muslim anti-Semitism"


Der britisch-libysche Autor Alaa al-Ameri wirft der politischen Linken in Großbritannien vor, islamistischen Kräften eine Opferrolle zugestanden zu haben, die es erlaube, Kritik an antisemitischen "Arbeitslehren" des Islamismus als "islamophob" abzuwehren. "There is also a deliberate reluctance to accept that Islam has its own distinct history of anti-Semitism, and that this history has always been deeply embedded in the Arab conflict with Israel, whether in its secular or Islamist incarnations. In seeking to protect Muslims using the misnomer of ‘Islamophobia’, we are often protecting the ability of Islamists to mainstream their worldview, including anti-Semitism. (…) white-nationalist anti-Semitism is used to distract from Islamist anti-Semitism. Because white nationalists have no more love for Muslims than for Jews, people with Islamist-inspired anti-Semitic views and sympathies can hide among the victims, often with a handy list of 'intersectional' identity tags to bolster their credibility. Given the woke worldview of the modern left, these identity tags are all that is required to mobilise support from non-Muslim leftists, who reliably come to the aid of Muslim anti-Semites with cries of 'Islamophobia'. (…) We need to end this curious process by which the discussion of Islamism has been made radioactive but the discussion of Israel is deemed so moral and urgent that it can lead some to give cover to anti-Semites."

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"Open borders and social democracy don’t mix"


Rakib Ehsan vom Centre on Radicalisation & Terrorism der Henry Jackson Society in London schreibt nach dem jüngsten Labour-Parteitag, dass die von der Partei vertretene Migrationspolitik der offenen Grenzen kaum mit ihren ebenfalls bekräftigten sozialdemokratischen Zielen vereinbart werden könne. "In comparison to many other countries, Britain has a relatively high minimum wage and a generous welfare state, which of course includes a publicly funded healthcare system. The scrapping of restrictions to accessing the NHS, social housing and the benefits system would only serve to act as ‘pull factors’ from a migration perspective. This proposed extension of social rights was combined in the motion with the absurd proposal to give all non-UK nationals with residency rights the right to vote in General Elections. This would fundamentally erode the very notion of British political citizenship. If anyone in the world can become a member of Britain’s democratic community with such ease, citizenship is rendered meaningless. (...) The economics of social democracy can only be truly sustained if it is complemented by a sensible immigration system, along with a broader political culture that fosters community cohesion and cultivates a strong sense of national identity. Labour’s current path will ultimately lead to self-destruction."

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"Trump and Ukraine – let the voters decide"


Sean Collins meint, dass es besser wäre, US-Präsident Trump durch die Wahl im nächsten Jahr aus dem Amt zu entfernen. Bis dahin sollten die Demokraten Trump für sein Verhalten bestrafen, ohne die Kluft zwischen dem politischen Establishment und den Wählern weiter zu vertiefen, z.B. durch einen formellen Tadel des Kongresses. "Democrats act as if the only alternatives are impeachment or do nothing; to not impeach, they contend, would be to condone Trump’s actions and set a bad precedent for future presidents to abuse their executive powers. But the choice of how to respond is not that simple. For a start, Congress can – if the case is ultimately proved beyond doubt – pass a resolution formally to censure Trump. That would make clear Congress’s opposition and serve as a visible black mark on the president’s record. But more to the point, voters should be the ones to decide Trump’s fate. (...) it will appear to voters that the choice has been taken out of their hands. The message will be clear: we, the elite in Congress, don’t trust you, the mass of American people, to make the right decision. Impeachment will be viewed by many as a move by the political establishment to overturn the result of a democratic election, just because they didn’t like the man who won."

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"Egypt: the Arab Spring persists"


Tim Black stellt fest, dass Ägypten heute autoritärer regiert werde als unter der Militärdiktatur des 2011 gestürzten Präsidenten Mubarak. Umso bemerkenswerter sei die neue Protestbewegung, die sich offen gegen den vom Westen unterstützten Präsident Sisi richte. "The protests were nowhere near as large as they were eight years ago. But the very fact they are happening at all is highly significant, given the apparatus of state repression now marshalled against the people. It seems that even Sisi himself was surprised, as well he might have been, given he had outlawed all unauthorised demonstrations. (...) Not that Sisi is likely to be going anywhere anytime soon. This very public challenge to his authority is likely to provoke a severe response, with his regime coming down hard on the protesters and their families. What’s more, Sisi will be doing so with the backing of regional allies such as Saudi Arabia, and Western powers, from the US to the EU. (...) So Egypt’s incipient protest movement is up against a considerable opponent. It faces not just the brutal state apparatus of Sisi, but also those regional and global powers who have a vested interest in propping it up. But, as the Arab Spring itself showed, even if only momentarily, the people are never impotent."

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"The unravelling of the international order"


Phil Mullan verweist auf Analysen, denen zufolge die Instabilität der internationalen Ordnung kein Resultat der politischen Initiativen Donald Trumps, sondern lange vor dem Amtsantritt des US-Präsidenten erkennbar gewesen sei. Ein wichtiger Faktor sei der relative wirtschaftliche Niedergang des Westens und die resultierende Zunahme internationaler Spannungen. "Depressed national economies compete more aggressively. The failure to overcome the West’s generalised economic slowdown increases competitive friction not only between individual businesses, but also between Western nations. There is a shared impetus to mitigate domestic economic decay through greater orientation to the world market, and this generates rivalries between the advanced industrial nations. Different nations increasingly find their firms going after the same export markets, the same sources of cheap inputs, and the same locations for profitable investments. Expanding state support to their respective businesses creates friction between nations. These economic rivalries are compounded by a weakened capacity to manage international relationships. When political and social troubles spread at home, as is all too evident today, nations scapegoat others for their own problems. (...) While the US pursues provocative tactics, and the EU takes a more preservationist approach to the old rules-based trade system, their aim is the same: stopping China from achieving global dominance."

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"Where’s the solidarity for Sri Lanka’s Christians?"


Rakib Ehsan hält es für auffällig, wie unterschiedlich internationale Reaktionen auf die Anschläge gegen christliche Ziele in Sri Lanka im Vergleich zu den Reaktionen auf den rechtsextremen Terrorakt gegen zwei Moscheen im neuseeländischen Christchurch ausgefallen sind. "The differences in tone and nature between the condemnations of the Christchurch and Sri Lanka terrorist attacks are striking. After Christchurch, there was no hesitation about stating the religious backgrounds of the victims and directing emotion and affection towards Muslim communities. Politicians took no issue with categorising the events in Christchurch as terrorism. In contrast, the words 'terrorism' and 'Christianity', along with their associated terms, have so far failed to feature in much of the reaction to the attacks in Sri Lanka. What is evident is not only a clear reluctance to specify the religious background of Christians who were killed in Sri Lanka, but also an absence of heartfelt solidarity with Christian communities across the world, which continue to suffer grave forms of persecution on the grounds of their faith."

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"Why Bibi keeps winning"


Daniel Ben-Ami erklärt, dass die Wahlerfolge von Premierminister Netanjahu nicht zu erklären sind, wenn man ihn nur als "Rechtspopulisten" charakterisiert. "There are several reasons why what could loosely be called Bibi-ism is in the ascendant. First, some form of nationalism was always going to appeal to Israeli voters. (...) Second, and related to the point about nationalism, is the reality that Israel does indeed face an existential threat. In that respect Netanyahu is correct. (...) Countries led by other populist leaders – such as the US, Russia, Brazil, India and Hungary – face nothing similar. (...) Finally, there is perhaps the most difficult question of all: the lack of a discussion of peace with the Palestinians in the Israeli elections. On one level it is straightforward. There is no pressure on Israel to come to any accommodation. (...) Although the Palestinians certainly suffer from some discrimination at the hands of the Israelis, the treatment by their supposed friends is even worse. Palestinians are no longer viewed as a grouping that has a right to control their destiny. Instead they are viewed as an identity group whose main goal is to be the recipients of Western pity. (...) Although [Netanyahu] can be justly criticised for many of his policies towards the Palestinians, he is far from alone in creating their plight. On the contrary, the Western critics of nationalism have created a climate in which Palestinians are cast as the ultimate victims of global affairs. And as a result, Palestinians’ own aspirations for national self-determination are taken away from them."

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"New Zealand’s ghoulish opportunists"


Ein Teil der westlichen Medien nutze den Anschlag von Christchurch auf "zynische" Art und Weise, um die eigene politische Agenda zu verfolgen und Islamkritiker jeder Art anzuprangern, meint Brendan O'Neill. Es sei auffällig, wie unterschiedlich die gleichen Kommentatoren auf islamistische Anschläge reagiert hätten. "Following Islamist barbarism in Europe and the US in recent years (...) the instruction from our betters has been the same every time. Don’t get angry, they say. Don’t exaggerate the threat of terrorism, they counsel. And don’t dare suggest that any book or idea, whether it is the Koran itself or pamphlets handed out at more questionable mosques, contributed to this attack. (...) This time the response could not be more different. Now we are actively invited to feel anger. Now we are told we must look for the source material that inspired this hateful individual and then condemn it and censor it. Now we are told that we must organise against the new fascism. (...) That, in essence, is what we are witnessing in response to New Zealand: a recognition among certain observers and activists that this racist atrocity can be used to boost their narrative. Their narrative of identity, of Muslim victimhood, of censorship, of social control. Islamist atrocities, on the other hand, harm their narrative."

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"New Zealand: the barbarism of identity politics"


Brendan O'Neill weist nach dem Anschlag von Christchurch darauf hin, dass der rechtsextreme Täter in seinem mutmaßlichen Manifest einen radikalen Ethnonationalismus vertreten und sich selbst immer wieder als "Weißen" bezeichnet habe. "The killer seems to see himself as little more than a cultural being. In his seeming manifesto he professes commitment to the warped ethos of ethno-nationalism and continually refers to himself as white. He can see no identity for himself beyond the one he inherited by birth. (...) The identitarian impulse has catastrophically divided society. It has nurtured cultural and racial conflict. It has given rise to a grotesque game of competitive grievance. It has had an inexorably fragmentary impact, ripping the social fabric. We are now actively invited to think racially, behave racially, conceive of ourselves as little more than white men or black women or whatever, and to engage with people through a racially and culturally heightened perspective: check your white privilege, watch your microaggressions, stay in your cultural lane, etc. It would be remarkable if such a depraved culture did not help to nurture new forms of violence. New Zealand confirms that identitarianism is now a scourge of the violent right as well as the woke left. The only person to blame for the massacres in New Zealand is the man who carried them out. No identitarian politician or activist or commentator is responsible for this. But if we want to limit the attraction of such violent identitarian thinking, such vicious cultural paranoia, we must urgently make the case for a new humanist politics in which your character and humanity count for more than your skin colour and your heritage."

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"Kashmir and the fatal legacy of partition"


Tim Black erklärt die tieferen Ursachen der gefährlichen Konfrontation zwischen Indien und Pakistan und weist dabei neben dem postkolonialen Erbe beider Länder auch auf deren Rolle in den geopolitischen Strategien anderer Mächte hin. "(...) the interminable, nascent conflict in Kashmir is not just Pakistan’s and India’s problem. Firstly, it implicates the US. The Pakistan Islamist militias, such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, Hizb-ul-Mujahideen and Jaish-e-Mohammed, which are responsible for many of the terror attacks in Kashmir and in other Indian cities, including the Mumbai terror attack in 2008, were largely and unwittingly cultivated, if not created, during the 1980s by the Pakistani military in cahoots with the US. (...) After 9/11 and the US-led 'war on terror', the picture became even messier. (...) Secondly, America’s decision to distance itself from Pakistan, and shift its affections towards India, has not only inflamed tensions between India and Pakistan — it has also brought China’s role in perpetuating the ongoing antagonism into focus. (...) The problem is that in pursuing certain objectives through Pakistan and to a lesser extent India, international actors unwittingly end up perpetuating a conflict between the two, be it creating the conditions for an Islamist insurgency, and Muslim resentment, in India, or through supporting the one (Pakistan) to keep the other in check (India)."

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Innerstaatliche Konflikte

Vom Kosovo nach Kolumbien, von Somalia nach Süd-Thailand: Weltweit schwelen über 280 politische Konflikte. Und immer wieder droht die Lage gewaltsam zu eskalieren.

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Zahlen und Fakten


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