US-Soldaten in Afghanistan

The American Conservative


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"U.S. Regional Imperialism: Big Sticks, And Even Bigger Guns"

Danny Sjursen beurteilt den gescheiterten Putschversuch des US-Sicherheitsunternehmens Silvercorp im Kontext der Venezuela-Politik der US-Regierung. Dabei erkennt er unheilvolle Spuren der imperialistischen Lateinamerika-Strategie vergangener Zeiten. "This is war waged 'in cold blood' by a nation whose Praetorian Guard-like volunteer military increasingly blurs the line between public and private warriors. Moreover, America’s way of war-recasting is hardly new at all. Here too, recent Venezuelan and Latin American interventions prove illustrative. In a real sense, these harken back to Banana and Cold War mercenaries, coups, and proxy combat. Trump even restored Reagan-holdover Elliot Abrams, this time as Special Representative for Venezuela, sending him back to very region where he previously facilitated war crimes. Only these days, Congress has divested from oversight, so there’s no Boland Amendment (1982) to, however modestly, reign in salacious surrogate sponsorship or other bad behavior."

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"The Chilling Return Of 'Papers Please'"

In einigen Ländern, darunter auch in den USA und Deutschland, wird die Möglichkeit einer Einführung von Immunitätsausweisen erwogen, mit denen sich genesene Covid-19-Patienten ausweisen könnten. Bill Wirtz warnt, dass eine derartige Maßnahme zu massiven Bürgerrechtsverletzungen führen könnte. "From a law enforcement level, the existence of immunity passports would extend indefinitely the practice of questioning citizens without reasonable suspicion at any time. 'Papers please' wouldn’t be experienced only because one is crossing a border, but merely because one is outside. If you were worried about rogue police abusing power before, wait until stop and frisk becomes the norm all across the United States, at any time of the day. In the United Kingdom, Professor Peter Openshaw, a member of the government’s new and emerging respiratory virus threats advisory group, told The Guardian that 'people granted the passports would have to be kept under close observation to ensure they were not becoming reinfected.' In practice, this would amount to daily identification checkpoints and mandatory home visits. Any pretense of individual liberty and fundamental rights would go out the window."

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"Can Bernie Make Biden A Bro On Foreign Policy?"

Daniel R DePetris hält es für möglich, dass der im Kandidatenrennen der US-Demokraten unterlegene Bernie Sanders die Außenpolitik eines im November gewählten Präsidenten Joe Biden zumindest teilweise beeinflussen könnte. Der frühere Vizepräsident Biden gelte als typischer Vertreter des Establishments, habe jedoch einige seiner außenpolitischen Positionen aus der Obama-Ära bereits revidiert. "We like to think of Joe Biden as an establishmentarian, which, as it relates to U.S. foreign policy, means viewing America as a benevolent hegemon whose universal values are given equal weight in the policymaking process with other harder interests. (…) To Biden’s credit, there have been changes. It wasn’t long ago that he served in an administration that sold over $115 billion in arms to Saudi Arabia — the most under any presidency in history — and provided extensive political cover for Riyadh at the United Nations whenever allegations of war crimes in Yemen came up. But Biden’s position on the Saudis has become noticeably more adversarial since then. (…) At a time when the COVID-19 crisis is forcing U.S. officials to reassess the nation’s priorities, Bernie’s years-long opposition to padding the defense budget with additional resources is suddenly much more politically feasible. It should surprise no one if Biden eventually adopts this position as his own."

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"The 'Blob' Strikes Back"

Daniel Larison ist von der Verteidigung des außenpolitischen "Blobs" in Washington durch Hal Brands, Peter Feaver und William Inboden nicht beeindruckt. "Writing for the Foreign Affairs website last week, Hal Brands, Peter Feaver, and Will Inboden attempt to rebut critics of the so-called 'Blob,' but in their attempt they demonstrate many of the very flaws in analysis and inability to admit error that their critics have pointed out over the years. The real record of the U.S. foreign policy establishment over the last thirty years has been much less impressive than its defenders claim, and it has helped to create many more avoidable calamities than they admit. (…) One of the biggest failings of the 'Blob' is its resistance to learning and reevaluating core assumptions. This is one reason why the U.S. keeps making similar mistakes decade after decade. The 'Blob' not only spreads dangerous myths, but it clings to them all the more desperately when those myths are discredited by experience. The U.S. can destabilize entire regions for decades, but they will continue to insist that the U.S. military presence is 'stabilizing' and cannot end. U.S. interventions consistently leave countries in worse shape than they were in before the U.S. intervened, but that does not lessen their eagerness for the next intervention. The authors allow that the 'Blob' makes mistakes, but asserts that it 'learns from them and changes course.' That is simply not true. The only learning that does seem to take place concerns how some of the same awful policies get labeled."

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"How Our War On Terror Killed COVID Resilience In These Countries"

Michael Horton macht den "Krieg gegen den Terror" der USA und ihrer Verbündeten für die anhaltenden Sicherheitsprobleme in der Sahelzone und in Westafrika verantwortlich. Er zieht ein vernichtendes Fazit der seit fast 20 Jahren verfolgten Strategie: "For nearly two decades, the U.S. and its allies have focused much of their foreign-policy efforts and extraordinary amounts of money on fighting 'the global war on terror.' Despite the expenditure of hundreds of billions of dollars on the deployment of soldiers, drones, and all the contractors required to support them at bases strewn across Africa and the Middle East, there is little to show for it. In fact, the U.S.-led war on terror has left a trail of destruction in its wake. Rather than focusing on ways to empower local governments and communities through tailored and culturally-aware development projects, the U.S. and its allies continue to arm and train corrupt and oppressive regimes. The goal of these policies is to ostensibly combat terrorism. Yet the result is the creation of terror which fuels insurgency and radicalism. Nowhere is this clearer than in the Sahel and West Africa. Before the U.S. launched its global war on terror, many of the countries in the Sahel, like Mali, Mauritania, and Niger were safe enough to attract growing numbers of tourists. While all of these countries faced problems, the kind of violence that now grips them was rare. However, since the U.S. and its allies, namely France in the case of the Sahel, expanded their war on terror to Africa, levels of violence have soared."

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"Time To Partition The 'Fake' Country Of Libya"

Zur Beilegung der Krise in Libyen sollte nach Ansicht von Ted Galen Carpenter eine Teilung des Landes in Betracht gezogen werden. "Libya is a classic example of an artificial country that a European colonial power created out of disparate components. Italy cobbled Libya together as a colony from three regions of the decaying Ottoman Empire (…). Those regions had very little common history or culture, but when the victorious World War II Allies stripped Rome of its colonial possessions, the United Nations preserved the defective handiwork. (…) Outside powers need to accept the reality that allowing the country’s feuding regions to separate may be the only way to end the bloodshed and achieve a reasonable measure of peace and stability. An agreed upon partition of Libya is not likely to be as peaceful as Czechoslovakia’s 'velvet divorce' or even the mostly peaceful dissolution of the Soviet Union. It is more likely to resemble the messy secession of Sudan’s southern region, creating South Sudan. Quarrels over control of Libya’s oil production between independent eastern and western Libyan states may be enough by themselves to cause serious continuing tensions. But trying to force antagonistic populations to remain in a single country is a worse option."

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"In Defense Of Intellectual Trumpism"

Robert Merry erläutert die Kernelemente des "intellektuellen Trumpismus", der von US-Präsident Trump selbst seit dessen Amtsantritt weitgehend plan- und glücklos vertreten worden sei. "Trumpism got Donald Trump elected in 2016. If he loses in 2020, as seems increasingly likely, it won’t be because of Trumpism but because of his own severe limitations as a leader. As president, Trump has been a haphazard and largely hapless exponent of Trumpism. Leaving aside Trump, what is Trumpism? And why is it inherently contradictory to the thoughts of thinking people? Of course, Trump himself is not a thinking person. He operates by instinct and viscera. But those attributes provided him with enough insight in 2016 to understand that a host of issues were agitating a substantial constituency that had been forgotten or dismissed by the political establishment. (…) These Trumpian positions of 2016 represent a repository of political sentiment in the country and constitute Trump’s tightly formed political base, which has been and remains about 43 percent of the electorate. Could these positions also serve as bedrock for a broader political movement undergirding a governing coalition for the future? We don’t know because Trump has proved himself incapable of building any such governing coalition. Besides, as he has proved recently, it’s tough to disguise buffoonery in a crisis. But not all of Trumpism is divorced from intelligent thinking, and some of it will still be out there, beckoning a politician, even perhaps a thinking politician, interested in building that coalition."

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"This Is The Beginning Of The End Of U.S. Energy Independence"

Der drastische Preisverfall auf den Ölmärkten habe das Ende der amerikanischen Strategie zur Erreichung der Energieunabhängigkeit eingeläutet, meint Scott Ritter. "This is a crisis that was a long time in coming. Over the course of the past decade, the U.S. over-produced over-subsidized oil while demanding production cuts on the part of foreign producers intended to keep the price of oil artificially high, and seizing global market share by sanctioning competitors such as Venezuela and Iran, all in the name of shareholder profit and the pursuit of the modern-day equivalent of the Holy Grail - energy independence. (…) The reality is that $10 oil appears to be the norm for the foreseeable future, an unsustainable number in an industry which requires $50 oil just to survive. Even when the U.S. economy gets back online, a good segment of the U.S. oil industry won’t be there to help fuel it. U.S. energy independence, that illusory concept pursued by U.S. Presidents for the past seven decades, has evaporated."

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"What Would Happen If Kim Jong Un Died?"

Angesichts der Gerüchte über ernste gesundheitliche Probleme des nordkoreanischen Staatschefs macht sich Ted Galen Carpenter über die Folgen eines plötzlichen Tods von Kim Jong Un Gedanken. "His younger sister, Kim Yo-jong, is likely to be his successor, and she has achieved an increasingly high profile as his chief adviser over the past several years. Although she seemed to fall out of favor temporarily following the fading of the once promising rapprochement with the United States (an indication that she was an advocate of that approach), she has recently returned to prominence in a top leadership position. (…) No matter what truth there is to rumors about Kim Jong-un’s health, Washington should seek to expand its relationship with Pyongyang and put it on a less personal foundation. (…) as the demise of regimes in the Soviet bloc demonstrated, they also can unravel with shocking suddenness. Rather than pursuing a crystal ball approach to such matters, we should seek to be better informed and better prepared however the situation in Pyongyang evolves. That goal requires normalizing relations with North Korea".

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"Joe Biden’s Foreign Policy Gave Us Donald Trump"

Mit Joe Biden, dem demokratischen Herausforderer des US-Präsidenten, drohe die Rückkehr einer US-Außenpolitik, die den Wahlsieg Donald Trumps im Jahr 2016 erst ermöglicht habe, schreibt Andrew J. Bacevich. "If elected, Biden can be counted on to take the country back to where it was before Trump showed up to spoil the party. My progressive friends are unhappy with that prospect. So should conservatives be as well. (…) by depicting history as a story of America rising up in glory to thwart distant threats, Biden captures the essence of the past to which establishment politicians, i.e., just about everyone except Donald Trump, instinctively revert in stump speeches or on patriotic occasions. That Trump himself is manifestly dishonest is no doubt the case. Yet I submit that the dishonesty of Joe Biden and others of his ilk in sanitizing American history poses its own danger. As far as foreign policy is concerned, a Biden presidency is likely to compound the follies that gave us Trump in the first place. For my money, status quo ante Trump is not a good place to be."

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"Trump’s Meddling In The Balkans Has Led To A Super Kosovo Fail"

Die aktuelle politische Krise in Kosovo sei auch auf die Einmischung der US-Regierung zurückzuführen, so der Vorwurf von Ted Galen Carpenter vom Cato Institute. "On March 25, Kosovo’s recently installed left-wing reformist government led by Albin Kurti fell after losing a no-confidence vote in parliament. Kurti is now merely the acting prime minister heading a caretaker cabinet until a new government can be formed. Astute observers of Balkan affairs blamed the collapse on the Trump administration’s ongoing meddling, including making a series of politically difficult demands on the fragile government in Pristina. One analyst, Emily Costello, concluded that Kurti’s ouster 'was driven by domestic forces desperate to block change, and the US administration’s determination to remove a government unwilling to comply with its demands.' There is considerable truth to that allegation, and the latest incident is consistent with a long pattern of intrusive U.S. policies in the Balkans that have made often challenging situations there even worse."

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"The Coronavirus Could Spark A Nuclear Meltdown In North Korea"

Die Corona-Pandemie sollte als Gelegenheit für einen radikalen Kurswechsel im Konflikt mit Nordkorea wahrgenommen werden, empfiehlt Harry J. Kazianis. Die USA und Südkorea sollten seiner Ansicht nach die Sanktionen gegen Nordkorea für die offizielle Dauer der Pandemie aufheben. "Now, there will be many who will say this is an absolutely crazy idea, allowing Pyongyang to regain some of the economic strength it had before maximum pressure-style sanctions were put into place back in 2017. However, we should stop and consider for a moment what would happen if the North Korean regime were to become destabilized even partially. This would create an even worse coronavirus nightmare: a loss of control of the country’s vast quantities of weapons of mass destruction and the materials that make them deadly. (…) By lifting sanctions in the short term and trying to offer North Korea a practical path towards becoming something close to a normal nation, we can finally answer the age old question of whether Pyongyang is serious about shedding its rogue regime image. I think these small concessions are certainly worth a try."

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"China’s Cartels: Those Who Control The Medicines Control The World"

Rosemary Gibson hält es für bedenklich, dass der Westen bei der Herstellung von überlebenswichtigen Medikamenten häufig auf Zulieferungen aus China angewiesen sei. In China seien bereits Drohungen laut geworden, den USA in der Corona-Krise Arzneimittel vorzuenthalten. "How dependent are we on China for medicines to care for people with severe cases of coronavirus? China is the source of 90 percent of the chemical starting materials needed to manufacture common generic drugs that help people recover. (…) Western companies cannot compete successfully because the free market doesn’t exist in generic drug and chemical ingredient manufacturing. China’s cartels fueled by government subsidies undercut U.S. and other companies, driving them out of business. Western firms aren’t competing against Chinese companies. They are competing against the Chinese government. (…) China relishes its geopolitical leverage. As the number of coronavirus cases climbed in the U.S. last month, China’s official news outlet issued this threat, 'If China announces that its drugs are for domestic use and bans exports, the United States will fall into the hell of a new coronavirus epidemic.'"

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"Is Viktor Orbán Using The Pandemic To Impose Dictatorial Rule?"

Die neuen Notstandsgesetze in Ungarn stießen selbst unter denjenigen auf Kritik, die Premierminister Orbans "konservativ-nationalistischen" Kurs ansonsten durchaus unterstützen, schreibt der in Ungarn lebende Will Collins. Orban wolle möglicherweise die Gelegenheit der Krise nutzen, um endgültig mit dem liberalen demokratischen Westen zu brechen. "The absence of any time limit on Orbán’s sweeping new authority raises several thorny questions. It is genuinely unclear how long the present emergency will last. (…) Theoretically, Parliament can revoke Orbán’s emergency powers at any time, but Parliament is controlled by the prime minister’s political allies. Allowing the regime to jail people for spreading 'false or misleading' information is also worrisome. (…) It is possible that Orbán’s critics have once again missed the mark and the Hungarian government will return to business as usual after the crisis is over. The scope of the coronavirus outbreak has led to a number of policies in Western democracies that would be unthinkable under any other circumstances. But there is another outcome that even those who sympathize with Fidesz’s populist-nationalist conservatism should consider. If Orbán does mean to break with the liberal democratic West, now is the time to do so."

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"How China’s Lies Brought The World To Its Knees"

In der Debatte über Chinas Rolle in der Corona-Pandemie führt nach Ansicht von Barbara Boland kein Weg an der Tatsache vorbei, dass Peking alles getan habe, um den Ausbruch in Wuhan zunächst zu vertuschen und bis heute falsche Informationen über die Pandemie zu verbreiten. In den USA seien viele Politiker und Experten der Ansicht, dass dies nach dem Ende der Pandemie Konsequenzen haben werde. "From ordering Chinese scientists to destroy evidence of the virus, to suppressing physician warnings, to turning around ships loaded with vital supplies and threatening to block critical pharmaceuticals so that America might experience 'the hell of a novel coronavirus epidemic,' there can be no question that when the dust clears, a day of reckoning will be at hand for China. 'China’s actions are going to come back to bite them when this virus is over,' said Harry Kazianis, senior director of Korean Studies at the National Interest, in an interview with TAC. 'I think we’re in a whole new world after this. The way people think about the world, globalism — this pandemic is going to have an effect that’s maybe even greater than 9/11.'"

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"The EU’s Betrayal Of Italy May Be Its Undoing"

Die zögerliche Reaktion der EU auf den Ausbruch der Coronakrise in Italien habe das italienische Vertrauen in die europäischen Institutionen möglicherweise irreparabel beschädigt, schreibt Francesco Giubilei. "What has the coronavirus in Italy taught us so far? A great nation is doing what it can to become self-sufficient as the crisis proves daily that the propaganda of the prophets of globalization is false. We see that there are strategic sectors, such as health care, transport, energy, defense, and telecommunications, that have to be considered from the perspective of national security and not strictly business. This is a new, unspoken understanding that unites Italy today. We have witnessed a return of patriotism: flags are hanging from windows and Italians are singing the national anthem. (…) It is too soon to draw long-term economic conclusions from the coronavirus pandemic, but it is clear that those who reacted best are nation-states with the freedom to manage their borders and fiscal policy. When this emergency ends, the legitimacy of EU institutions will no doubt be questioned."

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"The Staggering Collapse Of U.S. Intelligence On The Coronavirus"

Die Corona-Krise in den USA ist nach Ansicht von Scott Ritter auch das Resultat eines Versagens der US-Geheimdienste. Die Defense Intelligence Agency des Pentagons betreibt demnach das National Center for Medical Intelligence (NCMI), das vor solchen Gefahren eigentlich warnen soll. "The sufficiency and efficacy of the Trump administration’s response to the coronavirus pandemic remains to be seen. As President Trump noted on March 17, however, it would have been helpful to have had advance warning. That was the job of the NCMI, and they failed. This failure may have been a result of complacency, incompetence, or just a byproduct of circumstance. Regardless of the reason, the NCMI needs to learn from this experience, and reexamine the totality of the intelligence cycle — the direction, collection, analysis and feedback loop — associated with its failure to adequately predict the coronavirus pandemic. This reexamination should ensure that the U.S. will not be caught flat-footed the next time around, because there will be a next time around."

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"Israel Joins Totalitarian States Using Coronavirus To Spy On Citizens"

Barbara Boland kritisiert die neuen israelischen Überwachungsmaßnahmen zur Verfolgung von Coronavirus-Trägern. "Israel’s new regulations come as governments around the world adopt increasingly draconian measures. Iran rolled out an app ostensibly for the purpose of informing the public of coronavirus symptoms, but which actually spied on Iranians. The Communist government of China has brought the full weight of its mass public surveillance and social credit system to bear, using face recognition software, apps, drones and CCTV cameras to enforce quarantines. Domestic police forces in Europe are adopting measures that would have been unthinkable in democratic societies a few months ago. The U.K. plans to give police new authority to detain people and place them in isolation. Police in Madrid, Spain are deploying drones with cameras and loudspeakers to order people in parks and on the streets to go home."

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"U.S. Foreign Policy And The 'Return To Normalcy'"

Nach seinen überraschenden Vorwahlerfolgen am "Super-Dienstag" gilt Joe Biden wieder als aussichtsreichster Präsidentschaftskandidat der US-Demokraten. Daniel Larison schreibt, dass sich das Establishment in Washington im Falle eines Wahlsiegs Bidens im November eine Rückkehr zur außenpolitischen "Normalität" erhoffen würde. "There would be a restoration of sorts, but the restoration would be that of the bankrupt bipartisan foreign policy consensus, among other things. As Emma Ashford suggested in a recent discussion, Biden’s foreign policy could be described as 'Make American Exceptionalism Great Again.' (…) The Cold War ended thirty years ago, and it is telling that Biden does not point to any victories for the U.S. in the decades that have followed. Proponents of U.S. global 'leadership' have to keep reaching farther and farther back in time to recall a time when U.S. 'leadership' was successful, and they have remarkably little to say about the thirty years when they have been running things. That is what they want to 'restore,' but it’s not clear why Americans should want to go back to a status quo ante that produced such staggering and costly failures as the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. Like the early 19th century Bourbon restoration, it would be a return to power for those who had learned nothing and forgotten nothing."

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"What Role Will Pakistan Play In Taliban Peace Talks?"

Die Umsetzung eines Friedensabkommens zwischen den USA und den Taliban würde Barbara Boland zufolge nicht zuletzt vom Verhalten Pakistans abhängen. "For the last 12 years, Pakistan gave the Taliban a 'safe haven,' allowing them to reorganize and mount attacks, Husain Haqqani, Pakistan’s former ambassador to the U.S., says in an interview with The American Conservative. (…) 'Pakistan is one of the primary external factors in these negotiations; they played an important role in getting the Taliban to the table in the first place,' says Adam Wunische, a Middle East program research fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, in an interview with The American Conservative. 'The sort of impact Pakistan will have in the negotiations, and whether it will be successful, will depend on whether they pursue their priority of helping the Taliban to get as much as they can — the biggest piece of the pie as possible.'"

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"DOJ Drooling Over Likely Assange Extradition"

Kelley Beaucar Vlahos bezweifelt, dass die britische Justiz im Auslieferungsverfahren gegen Julian Assange die "richtige" Entscheidung treffen wird, da das britische Establishment den WikiLeaks-Gründer ebenso "hasse" wie Washington. "In other words, putting trust in the British system of law is a gamble. The British establishment hated Assange from the beginning too. And why not? Former PM Tony Blair was President George Bush’s poodle, and dragged his country into the war in Iraq against the majority of his countrymen’s wishes. They were right there with us as the lies played out in real time. That goes for Afghanistan too. So when the Iraq War and Afghan War logs came out, followed by the damning State Department diplomatic cables, the Brits had just as much mud on their faces and blood on their hands. The U.S. Justice Department is no doubt salivating over the idea that Assange will be theirs to toy with, much like Chelsea Manning, who has been languishing in jail for nearly a year because she refuses to testify against Assange."

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"Russiagate II: Return Of The Low Intelligence Zombies"

Das US-Präsidentschaftswahljahr hat begonnen und erneut gibt es in Washington deutliche Warnungen vor einer Einflussnahme durch Russland. Peter van Buren hält "Russiagate II" allerdings für den neuerlichen Versuch der US-Geheimdienstgemeinde, ihrerseits Einfluss auf den Wahlausgang zu nehmen. "It will take a while to figure out who is playing whom. Is the goal to help Trump, help Bernie, or defeat both of them to support Bloomberg? But don’t let the challenge of seeing the whole picture obscure the obvious: the American intelligence agencies are once again inside our election. (…) The good news from 2016 was that the Deep State turned out to be less competent than we originally feared. But they have learned much from those mistakes, particularly how deft a tool a compliant [Mainstream media] is. This election will be a historian’s marker for how a decent nation, fully warned in 2016, fooled itself in 2020 into self-harm. Forget about foreigners influencing our elections from the outside; the zombies are already inside the house."

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"Without Britain, The European Union Lurches Towards Its Own Army"

Bill Wirtz erwartet, dass die EU unter der Führung Frankreichs ihre Bemühungen zur Schaffung einer Europaarmee nach dem Brexit verstärken wird. Großbritannien habe sich einer derartigen sicherheitspolitischen und militärischen Integration immer entgegengestellt. Wirtz vermutet allerdings auch, dass Frankreich mit der Initiative ganz eigene Ziele verfolgt. "Macron’s push for EU military capabilities leaves only one logical explanation: France cannot afford those increased capabilities itself, because budgetary constraints are looming and the Yellow Vest protesters are not having any new tax increases. That means Macron needs to outsource these needs to other countries through the EU. Adding to that, Paris has already had bad experiences when it wages war by itself. (…) With a European army under its control, it would be able to entangle all 27 EU member states in its geopolitical interests in Africa, stripping them of much of their control over whether to intervene or not. Meanwhile, if there’s anyone in Europe so naive as to believe that the European Parliament would exercise control over the executive, they should take a closer look at how the United States has waged constant war since the end of World War II, often without the consent of Congress. How do you say 'checks and balances' in French anyway?"

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"Why Germany Should Invite Its Nationalists Into Government"

Doug Bandow vom Cato Institute empfiehlt Deutschland, sich beim Umgang mit der AfD ein Beispiel an anderen Ländern zu nehmen und die Partei in den politischen Prozess zu integrieren. Eine bloße Unterdrückung nationalistischer Parteien lasse diese nur extremistischer werden. "Integration is not a pipe dream. Europe has substantial recent experience with unsettling nationalist parties. In several countries, outlying parties have been invited into governments and most have found the experience to be chastening. Some have suffered political losses after confronting the inevitable challenges of governing. (…) Thuringia’s travails demonstrate that politics is a messy business. But attempting to cleanse it by excluding unsettling opinions, like those advanced by the AfD, is ultimately self-defeating. Voters do not give up having unsettling opinions. Instead, they find unsettling people to advance those beliefs. It is better to have discontented sentiments represented in the political system. That has been the lesson of countries as different as Austria, Finland, and Italy. To maintain social peace, Germany should absorb rather than suppress the AfD."

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"Pompeo’s Empty Boasting In Munich"

Daniel Larison kritisiert den Auftritt von US-Außenminister Pompeo auf der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz als "leere Prahlerei", die bei den europäischen Tagungsgästen als "unerträgliche Arroganz" angekommen sei. "In the most hypocritical and absurd section of the speech, Pompeo railed against other states’ violations of sovereignty: 'Look, this matters. This matters because assaults on sovereignty destabilize. Assaults on sovereignty impoverish. Assaults on sovereignty enslave. Assaults on sovereignty are, indeed, assaults on the very freedom that anchors the Western ideal.' (…) Pompeo wants to tout the virtues of sovereignty, but as soon as our allies take decisions that displease him and Trump he castigates them for it. Respecting the sovereignty and independence of other states includes respecting their right to make decisions on policy that our government doesn’t like. Of course, Pompeo would rather have our allies behave like vassals and expects other partners to obey as if they are colonies. Behind all the sovereignty rhetoric is an unmistakable desire to dictate terms and force others to do the administration’s bidding."

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"Want To End Our Endless Wars? Remember The Peace Of Westphalia"

Nach Ansicht von Christopher Mott sind viele der heutigen internationalen Konflikte auf den Versuch des Westens zurückzuführen, anderen Ländern seine Werte aufzuzwingen. Er schlägt stattdessen vor, erneut die staatliche Souveränität ins Zentrum der internationalen Diplomatie zu rücken. "While no system can guarantee peace free from geopolitical upset, The Westphalian Peace was nonetheless an improvement over the religious wars of the past. Something like it would also be an improvement over the rampant, American-led liberal hegemony of today. The ideologies of permanent war have had disproportionate influence over the ruling cliques in Washington, D.C., from the Clintonite neoliberals to the Dick Cheney neoconservatives. There are very real material reasons for this, of course, such as defense contracting and the powerful lobbying behind it. But it was on purely ideological terms that America’s dangerous imperial overstretch was sold to a domestic audience. (…) In order to inoculate the American public, media, and (dare one hope) policymaking class against future foolhardy adventures, the Westphalian Peace should be reintroduced into the discussion. The foreign policy establishment is largely controlled by a class of professionals in love with their own image as upholders of liberal hegemony and oblivious to the results of their actions. From empowering al-Qaeda in the Middle East to driving Russia and China together, the consequences have proven catastrophic. It is time to stick up for the concept of national sovereignty as the core principle of diplomacy once again."

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"Not Even The Military Thinks Landmines Are A 'Vital Tool'"

Aus Sicht einiger Experten im US-Militär hätte Präsident Trump auf die Aufhebung des Landminenverbots ohne weiteres verzichten können, schreibt Mark Perry. "'The new policy has nothing to do with landmines, or helping the military,' a senior Pentagon official told TAC just after the announcement last week. 'This is all about Obama.' (…) The landmine issue is (manifestly) a footnote when compared to the globe’s other threats, like nuclear proliferation and climate change. But it remains a useful talisman of how change happens (or doesn’t) in Washington. Since the Shinseki-Reimer days, military efforts to hang onto landmines have become a kind of shell game that depends for its success on the naivete of the American public, the escalation of pretended threats, questionable claims about America’s ill-preparedness, and the need to feed the insatiable appetite for the development of new, expensive, unnecessary, and redundant weapons’ technologies. Landmines were never important to the military — until NGOs tried to ban them. Then, suddenly, we couldn’t do without them."

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"How Carter’s ’80 SOTU Unleashed America’s 'World Police'"

Edward Chang verortet den Beginn der interventionistischen US-Außenpolitik der vergangenen Jahrzehnte in der Rede von US-Präsident Carter an die Nation im Jahr 1980. "(…) the president uttered the proclamation that came to be known as the 'Carter Doctrine': 'Let our position be absolutely clear: an attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.' The Carter Doctrine was largely the brainchild of the president’s realist national security advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski. (…) The Carter Doctrine undeniably made the Middle East the focal point of U.S. foreign policy in the years to come and progressively introduced a military presence that at times would number in the hundreds of thousands. It constitutes tens of thousands today. Such is the power of policy made official in a momentous speech like the State of the Union. President Carter may have served only one term, but 40 years ago he helped create a world that we’re all still living in."

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"How Our Economic Warfare Brings The World To Heel"

Doug Bandow hält die aktuelle Praxis der Verhängung von Wirtschaftssanktionen durch die US-Regierung für einen Ausdruck "beispielloser Hybris". Die Strategie sei generell nicht nur ineffektiv, sondern führe einen globalen "Blowback" herbei. "Commercial penalties have a role to play in foreign policy, but economic warfare is warfare. It can trigger real conflicts — consider Imperial Japan’s response to the Roosevelt administration’s cut-off of oil exports. And economic warfare can kill innocents. When UN Ambassador Madeleine Albright was asked about the deaths of a half million Iraqi babies from U.S. sanctions, her response was chilling: 'We think the price is worth it.' Yet most of the time economic war fails, especially if a unilateral effort by one power applied against the rest of the world. Washington policymakers need to relearn the meaning of humility. Incompetent and arrogant sanctions policies hurt Americans as well as others. Unfortunately, the resulting blowback will only increase."

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"Meet The Cold War Liberals"

James Carden stellt fest, dass der "progressive Realismus" im außenpolitischen Denken der US-Demokraten, der einige Gemeinsamkeiten mit dem konservativen Realismus habe, seit dem Wahlsieg Donalds Trumps auf dem Rückzug sei. Heute habe sich unter amerikanischen Liberalen ein "neoprogressiver Realismus" ausgebreitet, dessen Positionen an den Kalten Krieg erinnerten. "To attack the president and his administration, critics revived Cold War attitudes. This is now part of the neoprogressive foreign policy critique. It places an 'authoritarian axis' at its center. Now countries ruled by authoritarians, nationalists, and kleptocrats can and must be checked by an American-led crusade to make the world safe for progressive values. The problem with this neoprogressive narrative of a world divided between an authoritarian axis and the liberal West is what it will lead to: ever spiraling defense budgets, more foreign adventures, more Cold Wars — and hot ones too. (…) Cold warriors in both parties frequently mistook communism as a monolithic global movement. Neoprogressives are making this mistake today when they gloss over national context, history, and culture in favor of an all-encompassing theory that puts the 'authoritarian' nature of the governments they are criticizing at the center of their diagnosis. By citing the threat to Western democracies posed by a global authoritarian axis, the neoprogressives are repeating the same mistake made by liberal interventionists and neoconservatives. They buy into the democratic peace theory, which holds without much evidence that a world order populated by democracies is likely to be a peaceful one because democracies allegedly don’t fight wars against one another."

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Informationsportal Krieg und Frieden

Wo gibt es Kriege und Gewaltkonflikte? Und wo herrscht am längsten Frieden? Welches Land gibt am meisten für Rüstung aus? liefert wichtige Daten und Fakten zu Krieg und Frieden.

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Innerstaatliche Konflikte

Vom Kosovo nach Kolumbien, von Somalia nach Süd-Thailand: Weltweit schwelen über 280 politische Konflikte. Und immer wieder droht die Lage gewaltsam zu eskalieren.

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Zahlen und Fakten


Kaum ein Thema wird so intensiv und kontrovers diskutiert wie die Globalisierung. "Zahlen und Fakten" liefert Grafiken, Texte und Tabellen zu einem der wichtigsten und vielschichtigsten Prozesse der Gegenwart.

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