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"Midnight rush for power in electricity-starved Gaza"

Mai Yaghi berichtet über den Alltag der Bevölkerung in Gaza, die unter anderem wegen des Konflikts zwischen der Hamas und Palästinenserpräsident Abbas derzeit nur drei bis vier Stunden am Tag über elektrischen Strom verfügen kann. "More than two million Gazans, already dealing with a crippling Israeli blockade and a mostly closed border with Egypt, have to get by on three or four hours of mains power a day, in shifting and erratic cycles. (...) The crisis has both long and short term causes. Israel has imposed its blockade on Gaza for a decade, arguing it needs to rein in Hamas, with whom it has fought three wars since 2008. Israeli restrictions on imports of materials and equipment, as well as the blockade's economic impact, have dramatically cut Gaza's capacity to generate power, rights groups say. On top of that, key infrastructure, including Gaza's sole power station, has been severely damaged during those conflicts. In recent months, Abbas, based in the occupied West Bank, has also sought to squeeze Gaza in order to isolate longtime rivals Hamas."

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"Plight of ex-Muslims and women under the spotlight at secularism conference"

Rakesh Ramchurn berichtet über die International Conference on Freedom of Conscience and Expression, die im Juli in London als Treffen von Ex-Muslimen aus aller Welt organisiert worden ist. Viele Redner hätten auf die Gefahren aufmerksam gemacht, die Menschen drohen, die sich vom muslimischen Glauben abwenden. Auch die Islam-Debatte im Westen sei kritisch hinterfragt worden. "Many speakers highlighted the problem of the 'regressive' left, which denounces criticism of Islam as 'Islamophobic' or 'racist'. This has the effect of curtailing freedom of expression, imposing de-facto blasphemy laws in the West. And while the right has been more defensive of the principle of freedom of speech, this is often linked to an anti-Muslim, anti-immigration agenda. Several speakers were at pains to point out the need to criticise Islam, but to avoid the bigotry of blaming all Muslims for the actions of a few. Cemal Knudsen Yucel, co-founder and chair of Ex-Muslims of Norway, described the difficulty of discussing Islam in an environment where accusations came from all sides, starting with 'Islamoleftists' – Western leftists who refuse to allow criticism of the religion. (...) Speakers were united on the need for truly secular societies to protect human rights, not just for ex-Muslims and women, but for minority religions too."

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"Fears of popular revolts bring Israel and Arabs together"

Die jüngste Krise auf dem Tempelberg in Jerusalem sei durch ein Netzwerk formeller und informeller Beziehungen zwischen Arabern und Israelis entschärft worden, schreibt James M. Dorsey. Hintergrund sei die gemeinsame Sorge, dass drohende Aufstände in der arabischen Bevölkerung die autoritären Regierungen in der Region gefährden und islamistische Gruppen stärken könnten. "The notion of an empowered and angry public raised not only the spectre of a possible Palestinian uprising, the third in three decades, but a potential return of street protests elsewhere in the Middle East like those that in 2011 toppled the leaders of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen. The Jerusalem protests erupted at a moment that Saudi Arabia and the UAE have gone to extremes to roll back the 2011 achievements and ensure that the Middle East and North Africa does not witness a repeat."

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"Mosul's Christians face dilemma after Islamic State"

Trotz der Vertreibung des IS aus Mossul weigern sich viele geflüchtete Christen, in ihre frühere Heimatstadt zurückzukehren, berichtet Tony Gamal-Gabriel in dieser Reportage aus dem kurdischen Erbil im Norden Iraks. "The jihadists may have been ousted from their Iraqi hometown of Mosul but many Christians like Haitham Behnam refuse to go back and trade in the stability of their new lives. 'There's no security, no protection for Christians back there,' said the former resident of the largest city in northern Iraq. (...) Under the brutal rule of IS, Mosul's Christian community of around 35,000 was handed an ultimatum: convert to Islam, pay a special tax imposed on non-Muslims, or risk being executed unless they leave town. Since the Iraqi authorities on July 10 announced their recapture of Mosul after a battle that raged for several months, tens of thousands of Christians who have rebuilt their lives in the past three years face a dilemma."

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"Gulf crisis: A battle for the future of the Middle East and the Muslim world"

Nach Ansicht von James M. Dorsey von der S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapur ist die aktuelle Golfkrise ein Versuch Saudi-Arabiens, eine neue regionale Ordnung zu errichten, um die eigene autokratische Monarchie zu stützen. In diesem Konflikt gebe es allerdings keine gute Seite. "The irony of the Saudi-led campaign against Qatar is that it pits against one another two autocratic monarchies that both adhere to different strands of Wahhabism, the ultra-conservative worldview that legitimizes the rule of Saudi Arabia’s governing Al Saud family. Qatar, like Saudi Arabia, governed by an absolute ruler, who keeps a tight rein on politics and freedoms of expression and the media, is an unlikely candidate for advocacy of greater openness and pluralism. Yet, in many ways, the two countries are mirror images of one another. (...) The long and short of this is that there are no truly good guys in the battle between Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar. Nonetheless, at the core of their high-stakes battle is a struggle over what Islam-inspired worldview will be most prominent in the Muslim world as well as the ability of Muslim nations, especially those in Saudi Arabia’s orbit, to chart a course of their own."

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"Turkish Islamism and nationalism before and after the failed coup attempt"

Toni Alaranta ist davon überzeugt, dass der politische Islam in der Türkei nicht so erfolgreich sein könnte, wenn Präsident Erdogan und die AKP-Regierung nicht zugleich den Nationalismus als treibende Kraft der türkischen Massenpolitik aufgegriffen hätten. Seit dem gescheiterten Putsch im vergangenen Jahr sei dieser Zusammenhang noch deutlicher geworden. "At first glance, one might conclude that in its emphasis on the universal Islamic ummah (community), political Islam would be inclined to reject nationalism. But the form of Islamism as it has been advocated by the AKP in Turkey during the last decade in fact represents a powerful synthesis of two highly influential discourses observable in the Islamic Middle East and the Ottoman Empire since the beginning of the nineteenth century, namely Islamic-conservatism and nationalism. Today’s political Islam in Turkey is a combination of these two ideological traditions, compounded with the deeply internalized necessity to adapt to a global free market regime."

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"Russia turns eyes to Libya"

Durch den Erfolg in Syrien ermutigt wende sich Russland jetzt offenbar Libyen zu, stellt Rim Taher fest. Moskau habe begonnen, General Khalifa Haftar, den starken Mann im Osten Libyens, als neuen Verbündeten zu behandeln. "The emerging alliance could not have been more clear than when a Russian aircraft carrier - fresh from completing a two-month mission off Syria in support of President Bashar al-Assad's forces - welcomed Haftar earlier this month. (...) 'Moscow is clearly testing the waters with respect to tipping the political and military balance towards Libya's east,' said Ethan Chorin, a former US diplomat posted in Tripoli and now CEO of consulting firm Perim Associates. Moscow is looking, he said, 'to project influence in the southern and eastern Mediterranean and (for) increased influence over Libya's oil and gas resources.'"

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"The Palestinian precedent and the Syrian refugee crisis"

Die unmittelbare Hauptlast der Flüchtlingskrise im Nahen Osten wird immer noch von den Nachbarländern der Konfliktherde getragen. Libanon und Jordanien werde gegenwärtig vorgeworfen, zu wenig für Flüchtlinge aus Syrien zu tun, schreibt Anne Irfan. Dieser Vorwurf lasse allerdings außer Acht, dass beide Länder nicht zum ersten Mal Millionen Menschen aufnehmen müssen. "The importance of the 'Palestinian question' for the modern Middle East has been analysed in depth, but its significance in shaping regional refugee policy is strangely overlooked. This needs to be rectified if the international community is to engage more meaningfully with the Levantine countries today hosting huge numbers of Syrian refugees. One final similarity further highlights the significance of the Palestinian issue – both crises have been marked by the firm refusal of the Israeli government to take in a single refugee."

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"As failed coup sets Turkey on a new path, minorities fear for their future"

Ethnische Minderheiten in der Türkei fürchten Killian Cogan zufolge, dass Präsident Erdogan und seine AKP nach dem gescheiterten Putsch einen neuen sunnitisch geprägten Nationalismus etablieren werden. "Setting itself apart from the old secular elite, Erdoğan’s AK Party has reached out to the country’s ethnic minorities. Since its rise to power in 2002, the AKP has done more for minority rights than any other government in the past. An example of this was a historic move to allow a broader use of the Kurdish language in broadcasting and politics in 2013. If such reforms had left many hopeful, the mood has changed. Increasingly, the AK Party has promoted a new form of nationalism, rooted in Sunni Muslim identity. In the wake of the coup, religious conservatives and nationalists have dominated the demonstrations. Under the banner of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the two movements have gathered together to form a grass-root alliance. Having emerged stronger from these events, there is concern the president will pursue an Islamist-nationalist agenda more forcefully. At odds with such a platform, minorities fear for their future."

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"Turkey struggles to make sense of a surreal, failed coup d'état"

Alpaslan Ozerdem bezeichnet den gescheiterten Putsch in der Türkei in seinem Rückblick auf die Ereignisse als "postmodernes Spektakel", dessen Folgen noch nicht absehbar seien. "Instead of fear, the atmosphere was one of total disbelief; many people were contacting each other to check that what they were seeing on their TV screens was actually happening. (...) The thwarted coup has set Turkey on a strange political trajectory that’s very difficult to chart right now. But it’s not too difficult to guess that Erdoğan will emerge politically hugely strengthened. His long-held dream of becoming an executive president is now closer by the day to coming true. The implications of all this for Turkey’s future are not all bad. Social media and TV channels played a hugely significant role in mobilising people to act against the coup attempt, and the strength of the public’s response is a clear indicator of their disdain for military regimes. This certainly augurs well for Turkey’s democracy, but what Erdoğan will do in response remains to be seen."

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"Donors slow to honor Syria refugee pledge"

Im vergangenen Februar hätten sich die Weltmächte bereit erklärt, die internationale Reaktion auf die Flüchtlingskrise im Nahen Osten mit mehr als elf Milliarden US-Dollar zu unterstützen, berichtet Dave Clark. Bisher sei allerdings erst ein Viertel dieser Summe zur Verfügung gestellt worden. "Amin Awad, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees director for the Middle East and North Africa, (...) said that since February, when foreign ministers from around the world gathered at a London donor conference, only $2.5 billion have been disbursed. This is in the form of loans, grants for specific uses like student bursaries and straight-forward humanitarian aid, but it has not proved enough. 'I think the frontline states are disappointed and they feel they're left alone,' he said in Washington, where he is meeting US officials and experts."

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"Europe’s five stages of grief over Erdogan’s authoritarianism"

Pelin Kadercan kritisiert die stillschweigende Akzeptanz der autoritären Wende in der Türkei durch die EU und warnt vor dem "moralischen Bankrott" des europäischen Projekts. "An alarming number of European politicians want to play nice with Erdogan despite realizing that he is turning Turkey into a harsh autocracy. This is a dangerous mistake. The EU takes pride in transcending the realpolitik that colored Europe’s troubled past for centuries, instead reaching out for a 'moral' approach to foreign policy. Coddling an emerging dictator just because he happens to hold important influence over a humanitarian crisis (where Europe could actually do more, not less) is treason to all that the EU claims to represent."

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"How Turkey became a de facto dictatorship"

Nach dem Rücktritt des türkischen Premierministers Davutoglu müsse die Türkei de-facto als "Diktatur" betrachtet werden, meint der Nahostexperte Alon Ben-Meir vom Center for Global Affairs der New York University. Präsident Erdogan habe mit Davutoglu das letzte Hindernis seiner Herrschaftsansprüche beseitigt. "With the departure of Davutoğlu, and a rubber stamp AK Party, Turkey has become a de facto dictatorship, and there is now no one to stand in Erdogan’s way. It is a sad day for the Turkish people, as the country is now governed by a ruthless dictator with no checks and balances, no accountability, and with no prospect of any change for the better as long as Erdogan remains in power. The Turkish people should once again take to the streets but this time around they should remain persistent until Erdogan relents or resigns. Otherwise, Turkey will continue to rapidly race toward an ever bleaker future where freedom will be a thing of the past and an authoritarian regime led by a ruthless leader sets in."

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"The French Initiative: The beginning of a new negotiation paradigm?"

Omran Shroufi, der in den palästinensischen Gebieten für die Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung arbeitet, hält Frankreichs neue Friedensinitiative für den Nahostkonflikt trotz der israelischen Ablehnung für vielversprechend. "Taken together, the French Initiative incorporates two important shifts from a previous failed doctrine of negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians: multilateralism in the place of American sponsored bilateralism and consequences for failure (i.e., recognition of Palestine) rather than abstract or even negligible gains in the case of success. From a Palestinian point of view, without these two elements, future talks will fail before they have even begun. While the Israeli rejection is certainly a setback and will likely stall progress, the French Initiative might well signal the beginning of a new era of peace talks that learn from the failures of the past and incorporate the changing realities on the ground."

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"Iran's new parliament has more women than clerics"

Im neu gewählten Parlament in Teheran werden der französischen Nachrichtenagentur AFP zufolge zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte Irans mehr Frauen als Geistliche vertreten sein. "After the second round of elections a record 17 women will become lawmakers in the 290-seat parliament - one more than the number of clerics, which has hit an all time low. In the first parliament that followed the Islamic revolution in 1979 there were 164 clerics elected. (...) clerical numbers have steadily fallen since 1980 with 153 elected in the second parliament, 85 in the third, 67 in the fourth and 52 in the fifth. The outgoing legislature had only 27 men of the cloth. Of the 16 who will enter parliament next month 13 have conservative political leanings and three are reformists."

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"What Putin’s decision to withdraw troops from Syria really means"

Auch Dmitriy Frolovskiy meint, dass Russland vor allem am Bestand des syrischen Regimes, aber nicht unbedingt am politischen Überleben von Präsident Assad interessiert sei. Assad lasse bisher allerdings nicht erkennen, dass er bereit wäre, im Interesse einer Friedenslösung zurückzutreten. "Assad does not want to give up the presidency. He makes it clear to Putin that there is no future for Russia in Syria without him in power. In effect, he is playing a strategy of one power off against another and exploiting Moscow’s long-standing fear of empowerment of Iran that could directly clash with the Kremlin’s interests in the region. (...) Assad is also inspired by the glory of his father, Hafez Assad, who took the collapsing country and brutally restored its borders. This is another reason why Assad is so unwilling to compromise with the moderate opposition and also applies all methods available to him in order to get rid of an opposing candidate. It is now obvious that Assad has become a burden for Putin’s goals and the current ceasefire might be the best time to facilitate a political settlement."

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"What Arabic media has to say about: The refugee crisis"

Eliot Benman hat einige Reaktionen arabischer Medien auf die Flüchtlingskrise in Europa übersetzt und zusammengestellt. "Headlines in MENA countries hosting Syrian refugees express concern over the burden of doing so and fear of terrorism. Other coverage describes the humanitarian work being done in the region by NGOs and governments and the difficulties and tragedies faced by refugees. The crisis has partly been created by the ongoing conflict in Syria. Pro-government Syrian media seems keen to emphasize the threat refugees pose to Western countries and claims the crisis is the result of Western support for terrorist groups. (...) Like Western media, Arabic media also discusses the social and cultural implications of the migration crisis, but with greater focus on the perspective of the migrants and the region they left behind. There is also more attention to individual tragedy, as seen in a report on the death of an emerging Kurdish celebrity. A few other interesting themes emerged as well: for instance, provocative Western rhetoric against migrants has been reported on."

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"Revisiting misconceptions about 'chaos' in the Arab region"

Hisham Bustani meint, dass viele westliche Berichte über die "katastrophale" Situation im Nahen Osten auf drei grundlegenden Fehlannahmen beruhen. "The first misconception is the existence of a 'true', supra-historic Islam. (...) My argument is that there is no such thing as a supra-historical 'reality' of Islam that is 'pure' and 'virtuous' as opposed to an evil, violent misrepresentation; or the opposite. (...) This leads us to the second misconception: The apolitical nature of extremist Islamic groups. The Islamist extremist religious groups plaguing the Arab region, are not just 'religious fanatics', or unrestrained psychopaths. In their core, they are political constructs representing a very violent reaction to the status quo. (...) Enter third misconception: The silence about the role of global and regional powers, and the historic effects of Colonialism. Interventionist policies that have succeeded the colonialist era in the Arab region made sure that the subordinate, corrupt, oppressive regimes are maintained and sustained."

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"Shattered Tunisian economy puts political transition at risk"

Die aktuellen sozialen Unruhen in Tunesien müssten als ernste Gefahr für die demokratische Transition des Landes betrachtet werden, warnt Ragnar Weilandt. "The failure to enhance socio-economic development and to reduce the gap between the relatively affluent urban coastal provinces and the impoverished in-land regions has become a major threat to the political transition. Tunisians across society are of a split mind. They see the democratic transition as something good in theory, but it has proven to be rather disappointing in practice. (...) Unemployment has risen, public services from garbage collection to transportation have deteriorated and going out at night has become more dangerous. Across society, many feel that things were better before 2011."

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"On tribal-religious instincts and how Libya's crisis will affect Europe, Africa, and the Middle East"

Der marokkanische Politikwissenschaftler Mohamed Chtato erläutert, warum Libyen für den "Islamischen Staat" als neuer operativer Standort so wichtig sei. Der Westen werde es bereuen, wenn er eine "Pazifikation" des Landes durch eine aufgerüstete UN-Friedenstruppe hinauszögere. "If Libya is not pacified in the near future, the whole world will regret it, as it is regretting today that NATO did not disembark from its airplanes to cleanse the country from extremists, once and for all. Pacifying Libya will undoubtedly help fight religious radicalism in West Africa and cut the lifeline of the lethal Boko Haram, active in the whole of West Africa, as well as al-Qaeda in the Muslim West that is threatening stability of the Sahel countries like Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso. (...) This peacekeeping force must be of, at least, 10,000 elite soldiers with heavy equipment and NATO air support to undertake the pacification of the country, with the help of government forces sympathetic to the Skhirate accord. This much wanted peacekeeping effort could include soldiers from Spain, Italy, Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, Pakistan, and Senegal."

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"Inside Saudi Arabia's hidden opposition movement"

Your Middle East veröffentlicht aus aktuellem Anlass eine schon etwas ältere Videoreportage der saudischen Journalistin Safa Al Ahmad, die im Juni 2014 die von Scheich Nimr al-Nimr angeführte Oppositionsbewegung begleitete. "A look at the Saudi protest movement that's been kept away from the global media spotlight. Featuring executed Shia cleric, Nimr al-Nimr. The video was originally published in June 2014, produced by Saudi filmmaker Safa Al Ahmad. Her report provides valuable insight into the dynamics that led to the internationally criticised execution of Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr in January 2016."

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"Why ISIS will never be defeated by the current international coalition"

Auch Murat Ulgul von der Karadeniz Technical University in der Türkei ist der Ansicht, dass die unterschiedlichen Interessen der Akteure im Kampf gegen den IS in Syrien und Irak eine militärische Zerschlagung der Terrormiliz verhindern werden. Europa sei z.B. weniger an einem militärischen Vorgehen gegen den IS als an der Abwehr der Flüchtlingsströme aus der Region interessiert. "Realists argue that cooperation between states is more likely in economic and cultural arenas than in military ones. They see states as self-interested actors living in a self-help world, and in military affairs states prioritize their selfish national interests rather than common good. Isn’t this exactly what we see when we analyze the state policies against ISIS? It is true that everybody wants to win in Syria, but on their own terms, and these terms do not necessarily consider ISIS to be the main evil. No wonder with all our combined military capabilities, we are not triumphant against ISIS, and, instead, they are gaining more sympathizers with each passing day."

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"The terrible, violent summer reflects nothing so much as an elite’s greed for power"

Alpaslan Ozerdem von der Coventry University beschuldigt nach dem Terroranschlag in Ankara die politische Elite des Landes, keine Rücksicht auf die zivilen Opfer ihrer "zynischen" Machtspiele zu nehmen. "Ultimately, the power game is simple enough. At the elections hastily called for November, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s AKP needs to garner only a few per cent more than it did in June to win the majority it needs for Erdogan to bolster his powers and make himself the country’s executive president. To that end, pro-government media has been in overdrive throughout the summer, deliberately fuelling an environment of division, paranoia and mistrust in hopes of winning votes out of pure fear."

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"Empowered through education: a word with a Saudi feminist"

Victor Argo hat mit der saudi-arabischen Feministin Aisha Bint Abdullah ein E-Mail-Interview über den Kampf um Gleichberechtigung im konservativen Königreich geführt. "When it comes to Saudi Arabia and the role of women, for some the glass is half-empty, for others it is half full. While some deplore that Saudi Arabia only ranks 130th out of 142 countries in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2014, others highlight that the Kingdom was in fact one of the countries that improved the most in that report. For Aisha Bint Abdullah (an alias), Saudi Arabia has rapidly developed socially and culturally in the last 10 to 20 years. 'Although from the outside it seems that nothing has changed,' Aisha told me via email, 'I can tell you that there have been many changes that have influenced the role of women in Saudi society in a positive way.'"

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"What now for Tunisia?"

Rory McCarthy hofft, dass die tunesische Regierung besonnen auf den Terroranschlag auf eine Hotelanlage mit westlichen Touristen reagiert. "The decisions the Tunisian government makes in the coming weeks will determine the fate of the country’s already fragile transition to democracy. Although the Ben Ali regime was toppled in a popular uprising in January 2011, many of the political and economic interests of the former regime remain intact and the judiciary and security forces remain largely unreformed. The deep state is still at work. There has been a knee-jerk tendency to resort to authoritarian measures in the name of security and stability, and a backslide into the state’s old ways is still a risk."

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"Iranians prepare for post-sanctions era"

Der Iran bereitet sich Maysam Bizaer zufolge auf den wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung vor, der vom Abschluss eines Atomabkommens und der Aufhebung der internationalen Sanktionen erwartet wird. "Although the government has not clearly stated what measures it is taking to prepare the country’s economy for the day when economic sanctions are lifted, there are reports that modifying the current legal terms and applying new monetary policies to avoid a possible increase of inflation rate are expected to be on the agenda, among other efforts. But the recent political agreement has also resulted in a dramatic increase of business delegations that are traveling to Iran."

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"Open source of 500.000 images takes you back through Middle Eastern history"

"Your Middle East" macht auf die umfassende und weiter wachsende Bildersammlung der Qatar Digital Library aufmerksam, die offenen Zugang zu vielfältigem Material über die Geschichte des Nahen Ostens ermöglicht. "The archive is the result of a 10-year old Memorandum of Understanding on Partnerships between the Qatar Foundation, the Qatar National Library and The British Library. 'Whenever we’ve spoken to researchers they’ve said that if you digitise and make available the collection that completely transforms the field,' George Weyman, project manager at British Library Qatar Foundation Partnership, explained. The main focus is Gulf history and science in the Arab-speaking world but the vast open source covers much more, including country profiles of each Middle Eastern country. 'The aim is to make a world-class resource freely available for everyone,' stated the website."

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"Women's rights in the Middle East – new data show both improvement and impasse. #IWD2015"

Anlässlich des Internationalen Frauentags am 8. März ist eine neue Studie zum aktuellen Stand der Frauenrechte im Nahen Osten veröffentlicht worden. "On International Women's Day 2015, researchers at the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute share brand new findings on the development of women's rights in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). This briefing shows that although women's rights and their empowerment are still much wanting across the region, positive trends can be noted in particular countries."

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"How the Arab Spring changed the prospects for OPEC's survival"

Der Arabische Frühling habe das geopolitische Umfeld der internationalen Öl-Politik nachhaltig verändert, schreibt Mohammed Akacem von der Metropolitan State University of Denver. Die arabischen Regierungen müssten heute stärker auf die Bedürfnisse ihrer eigenen Bevölkerungen achten und strebten deshalb höhere Fördermengen an. Die Folgen für das Opec-Kartell rückten dabei oft in den Hintergrund. "Oil has now become a financial asset like any other, so bets on it are done by a multitude of investors and hedge funds are adding to its volatility. It does not change the fundamentals of the supply side, however. When it comes to the role of the oil cartel in global oil markets, it is never realistic to call for its demise. It has survived longer than anyone predicted. But population pressures and the Arab Spring may have changed the geopolitics of oil enough to assume that the battle for market share will continue."

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"Iraq government and Kurds strike deal on budget and oil exports"

Die irakische Regierung in Bagdad und die autonomen Kurden im Norden des Landes haben ihren langem Streit über die kurdischen Erdölexporte offenbar beigelegt. Die Chancen eines gemeinsamen Vorgehens gegen den Islamischen Staat sind Experten zufolge damit ebenfalls gestiegen. "Leaders in the Baghdad administration have accused Arbil of not being committed to the unity of Iraq and of using federal resources to further its secessionist aspirations. Maliki, under whose leadership the payment of the constitutionally mandated 17 percent of national revenue to Kurdistan was halted, had adopted a tough line with the Kurds. Abadi insisted that the latest negotiations with the Kurds were not a sign a weakness. 'Frankly, I don't call those concessions; I see them as achieving something beneficial,' he said in an interview aired Monday evening on Lebanon-based Al-Mayadeen television. The new deal could help hike Iraq's daily output past the three million barrel mark and reduce its bruising budget deficit."

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Wo gibt es Kriege und Gewaltkonflikte? Und wo herrscht am längsten Frieden? Welches Land gibt am meisten für Rüstung aus? liefert wichtige Daten und Fakten zu Krieg und Frieden.

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Innerstaatliche Konflikte

Vom Kosovo nach Kolumbien, von Somalia nach Süd-Thailand: Weltweit schwelen über 280 politische Konflikte. Und immer wieder droht die Lage gewaltsam zu eskalieren.

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