US-Soldaten in Afghanistan

Responsible Statecraft




"Will the coronavirus kill globalization?"

Die Corona-Pandemie könnte der Globalisierung, wie wir sie seit Jahrzehnten kennen, nach Ansicht von John Feffer ein nachhaltiges Ende bereiten. "It might seem ridiculous to expect that a pathogen, even one that spreads at the rate of a pandemic, could reverse an economic trajectory that’s more than a century in the making. But the coronavirus outbreak coincides with attacks on economic globalization from many different quarters. (…) Globalization has been challenged before by financial crises, pandemics like the Hong Kong Flu, even the specter of Y2K. This time around, however, the failure of the global community to establish new rules of the road for the economy, the environment, and health care is creating a perfect storm of international disfunction. If something with a relatively low mortality rate like the coronavirus — between one percent and four percent, compared to 50 percent for Ebola — can do such a number on the global economy, perhaps the patient was already suffering from some pretty dire underlying conditions. (…) The coronavirus is a wake-up call for both Beijing and Washington. The new status quo of a revived Cold War between the two hegemons is unworkable. It’s time for another wave of globalization, but this time one that reduces carbon emissions, proceeds more equitably, and strengthens the capacity of international institutions to fight pandemics."

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"Why the Cold War Containment Model Doesn’t Apply to the Middle East"

Paul R. Pillar bezweifelt, dass der Konflikt zwischen Iran und Saudi-Arabien nach dem Vorbild des Kalten Krieges unter Kontrolle gehalten und letztlich durch den US-Verbündeten "gewonnen" werden kann. "The Cold War concept of containment has experienced a revival among some commentators who would like to apply it to the Middle East. The concept’s apparent attractions include a respected George Kennan pedigree, an association with what is considered a 'win' of the Cold War, and the promise of long-term success even in the absence of any immediately visible positive results. (…) Although the global power structure of the Cold War era was predominantly bipolar, the Middle East of today is not. Contrary to Green’s assertion, power and interests in that region are not organized neatly into an Iran-led Shia crescent versus an alliance of Israel and some Sunni Arab states. Painting such a picture is partly an American habit of dividing the world into good guys and bad guys and partly a wish among those who want to attribute all the ills of the region to Iran. (…) the Cold War (…) was an ideologically defined struggle for global dominance between two nuclear-armed superpowers. Nothing remotely resembling that characterizes the Middle East of today, especially with regard to anything that impinges on, or poses a threat to, U.S. interests. Iran is a mid-size nation-state that is a significant player in its own region but not a global factor militarily or ideologically. To treat it as a second coming of the USSR and make it a fixation of U.S. policy is an insult to the United States’ own global stature and significance."

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"Want a Bipartisan, Common Ground Issue? Extend New START."

Caroline Dorminey und Sumaya Malas hoffen, dass Demokraten und Republikaner im US-Kongress gemeinsam auf eine Verlängerung des New-START-Abkommens drängen werden. Die Rettung des wichtigen Abrüstungsvertrags mit Russland würde eine mittlerweile seltene Gelegenheit bieten, parteiübergreifend zusammenzuarbeiten. "Democrats in Congress already express consistent support for the extension of New START, turning the issue into a Democratic Party agenda item. But today’s hyper-partisan landscape need not dictate that arms control must become solely a Democratic priority. Especially when the treaty in question still works, provides an important limit on Russian nuclear weapons, and ultimately increases our national security. Historically, Republican administrations have championed nuclear arms control agreements. (…) Even Republican constituents want to limit nuclear weapons worldwide and overwhelmingly support the extension of New START. Over 65 percent of voters in every state call for New START extension. Scholars and experts at conservative think tanks like the Heritage Foundation agree that 'nuclear arms control aims to diminish the likelihood of nuclear conflict' if 'Trump channels Reagan on the path to arms control.' The American Enterprise Institute published work openly supporting New START extension as in the country’s strategic interest."

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"Reading Tea Leaves: U.S. Backs Off Support for Regime Change in Iran"

US-Außenminister Pompeo hat einem Bloomberg-Bericht zufolge angeordnet, dass US-Diplomaten ihre Kontakte zu iranischen Exil- und Oppositionsgruppen einschränken sollen. James Dorsey meint, dass dies auf einen Strategiewechsel der US-Regierung hindeuten könnte. "Coming on the back of the Soleimani killing, Mr. Pompeo’s directive appears to put an end to the Trump administration’s hinting that it covertly supports insurgent efforts to at the very least destabilize the Iranian government if not topple it. A litmus test of the directive by Mr. Pompeo, known to have a close relationship with Donald J. Trump, is likely to be whether the president’s personal lawyer, Rudolph Giuliani, distances himself from the controversial National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), an offshoot of the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq, a group that was taken off the US Treasury’s list of designated terrorists several years ago. (…) Mr. Pompeo’s directive is unlikely to persuade Iran that Washington has had a change of heart. Indeed, it hasn’t. Mr. Trump maintains his campaign of maximum pressure and this week imposed additional sanctions on Iran. Nonetheless, potentially taking regime change off the table facilitates backchanneling that aims at getting the two nations to talk again."

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"Making America Rogue Again"

Mit dem Attentat auf den iranischen General Soleimani seien die USA wie ein "Schurkenstaat" aufgetreten, meint Paul R. Pillar. Soleimani sei kein einfacher "Terrorist", sondern ein Repräsentant des iranischen Staates gewesen. "Refraining from assassinating foreign leaders has been a wise American policy, partly to avoid the negative consequences of such killings. The consequences include reprisals by the targeted parties that may be not only in-kind but also take other forms. Moreover, other parties may be encouraged to play the game of nations by such loose and deadly rules. In this regard it is worth noting that the Russian foreign ministry’s statement about the Soleimani killing included the observation, 'We have encountered a new reality — the murder of a representative of the government of a sovereign state, an official in the absence of any legal grounds for these actions.' (…) In addition to avoiding the negative practical consequences, foreswearing the assassination of foreign leaders is a matter of principle. It gets to the character and values of a nation, and to the nation’s self-image and self-esteem. Killing other nations’ leaders is not the sort of thing a good nation does. It is the sort of thing terrorists do."

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Informationsportal Krieg und Frieden

Wo gibt es Kriege und Gewaltkonflikte? Und wo herrscht am längsten Frieden? Welches Land gibt am meisten für Rüstung aus? liefert wichtige Daten und Fakten zu Krieg und Frieden.

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Innerstaatliche Konflikte

Vom Kosovo nach Kolumbien, von Somalia nach Süd-Thailand: Weltweit schwelen über 280 politische Konflikte. Und immer wieder droht die Lage gewaltsam zu eskalieren.

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Zahlen und Fakten


Kaum ein Thema wird so intensiv und kontrovers diskutiert wie die Globalisierung. "Zahlen und Fakten" liefert Grafiken, Texte und Tabellen zu einem der wichtigsten und vielschichtigsten Prozesse der Gegenwart.

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Publikationen zum Thema

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