US-Soldaten in Afghanistan

Internationale Politik Quarterly

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30.09.2021

"Why Europe's Enhanced Military Presence in the Indo-Pacific Is an Asset"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/why-europes-enhanced-military-presence-indo-pacific-asset

Die europäischen Staaten müssten sich besser abstimmen, um zur Sicherheit im Indopazifik einen Beitrag leisten zu können, analysiert Veerle Nouwens. "No single country is equipped with the resources to pursue a wholly unilateral approach to address the challenges in the Indo-Pacific from state and non-state actors alike. (…) Indeed, despite post-Brexit and post-AUKUS tensions, the UK and European partners would be remiss not to find areas of naval and maritime security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific given their shared objectives, limited resources, and previous cooperation. (…) As Europe navigates into the Indo-Pacific, there will undoubtedly be further tests of political will. If it can overcome these, then a concerted move toward a consistent and coordinated approach to defense and security questions in the Indo-Pacific, and one which is complementary to the wishes of countries in the region, stands to being added value to the region."

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30.09.2021

"Middle-Power Multilateralism Needed"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/middle-power-multilateralism-needed

Ein Freihandelsabkommen zwischen der EU und dem Verband Südostasiatischer Nationen (ASEAN) würde ein starkes Zeichen für den Multilateralismus setzen, analysiert Bertram Lang. "Rather than trying to play a military role in the Indo-Pacific, the EU should put more faith in its normative strength and the sway of its internal market and related regulatory powers to exert its influence in the region. Despite the poor democratic record of many of its member states, ASEAN with its innate logic of consensus-oriented negotiation and hard-won compromises remains the most like-minded entity in the EU's struggle for multilateral solutions and 'shared security.' Together, the EU and ASEAN as multilateral organizations will need to take back the initiative. Thus, the relaunch of negotiations for a region-to-region trade agreement should not be a remote possibility, but an urgent priority for EU trade policy."

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30.09.2021

"Afghanistan, AUKUS, and Albion"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/afghanistan-aukus-and-albion

Die Beteiligung Großbritanniens an der kürzlich angekündigten Sicherheitspartnerschaft "AUKUS" mit Australien und den USA werfe für die EU mehrere strategische Fragen auf, stellen Claudia Major und Nicolai von Ondarza fest. "The hopeful Europeans who thought the Afghanistan disaster would bring Britain back to Europe were quickly proven wrong. (…) For Germany and the EU this raises three strategic questions. First, the positioning in a G2-world: In the global competition between the US and China, the UK has now firmly chosen the former. (…) Will the EU have to align, or can it develop its own path? Second, the future of NATO: While still praising NATO, London has opted for a more flexible alliance with AUKUS, building upon the long-established links of the Five Eyes community in the Anglosphere. (…) Third, London's break with the EU brings with it the question of how and where to organize European security and defense."

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30.09.2021

"In Search of an Indo-Pacific Role"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/search-indo-pacific-role

Der EU werde es schwerfallen, ihre Rolle im indopazifischen Raum zu finden, konstatiert Pepijn Bergsen. "The EU could be tempted to explore 'soft triangulation' between the US and China, albeit remaining closer in outlook to the former as evidenced by recent initiatives such as the EU-US Trade and Technology Council. Such an approach, driven in part by trying to continue benefitting economically from engagement with both the US and China, would leave the EU open to political and economic pressure from both sides in the defining geopolitical rivalry of the age."

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02.09.2021

"Hard Questions for NATO post-Afghanistan"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/hard-questions-nato-post-afghanistan

Der abrupte und chaotische Abzug der NATO-Truppen aus Afghanistan werde weitreichende Folgen für westliche Staaten haben, prognostiziert Stefanie Babst. "Whatever way Stoltenberg eventually oversees a 'lessons learned' exercise about NATO's failures in Afghanistan, one thing is certain: an open-ended evaluation of the Western debacle in Afghanistan will be closely linked to the question of the transatlantic alliance's future strategic outlook. (…) The Taliban's victory in Afghanistan is also a heavy blow to the political weight that the alliance brings to the table in its dealings with China and Russia as well as regional powers and partners around the world. That Russia and China only offered snide remarks about NATO's failure in Afghanistan was to be expected. But beyond the rhetoric, both Moscow and Beijing will be eager to fill the strategic void that the West has left behind in Afghanistan."

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01.09.2021

"NATO's China Condundrum"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/natos-china-condundrum

Es herrsche Uneinigkeit unter den NATO-Mitgliedsstaaten über den richtigen Umgang mit Chinas wachsendem geopolitischen Einfluss, stellt Helena Legarda fest. "The US, Europe, and other allies may have managed to find a common language to discuss their shared view of China as a systemic challenge, but agreement on further steps will be hard to come by. Allies are united in their concern over China's international behavior and ambitions, but they disagree over what exactly should be done about it, and even about whether it should be NATO's role to do so. This is the case across the Atlantic, but also within Europe."

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04.08.2021

"Time for Straight Talking on German Security"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/time-straight-talking-german-security

Es bedürfe klarerer Stellungnahmen von Politikerinnen und Politikern beim Thema Sicherheitspolitik, findet Patrick Keller. "With the parliamentary elections on September 26 in sight, Germany is in campaign mode - usually the time when politicians seek the approval of the voters. (…) However, when it comes to international security, there has been comparative silence. More precisely, politicians are not making clear to people just how dangerous Germany's international environment has become."

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30.03.2021

"The Fragility of Europe's China Strategy"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/fragility-europes-china-strategy

Europas mehrgleisige Strategie gegenüber China sei fragil, aber der richtige Weg im Umgang mit Peking, findet Adam Tooze. "As set out in the foundational policy document of 2019 (…) the EU, to the bemusement of many American commentators, defined China simultaneously as a potential partner, a competitor, and a systemic rival. Crucially it did not allow one facet of the relationship to dominate the others. (…) Europe's advocacy of a multi-pronged strategy of engagement with China was and is correct. That means a degree of compromise. As in the era of détente in the 1970s it involves certain double-standards and even hypocrisy. Then and now, given the high stakes involved, it is a price worth paying."

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26.03.2021

"The EU Is Unprepared for a Taiwan Crisis"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/eu-unprepared-taiwan-crisis

Die militärischen Spannungen in der Formosastraße zwischen China und Taiwan nähmen zu, bemerkt David Hutt. Eine eindeutige Haltung der EU hinsichtlich eines möglichen Konflikts fehle bisher jedoch. Dies müsse dringend nachgeholt werden. "The real danger is that the EU is unprepared to know even its own stance should the EU's political conversation indeed move onto Taiwan. If that happens, the fury from Beijing will be many magnitudes worse than its reaction this week to sanctions over Xinjiang. (…) Foreign policy chief Josep Borrell claiming the EU 'has the option of becoming a player, a true geostrategic actor' may elicit wry smiles these days. Imagine, though, what would happen if it is left helpless as a Taiwan Crisis erupts. Therefore, as in the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU's new mantra should be: prepare for the worst. Unfortunately, there does not seem to be much time left."

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09.03.2021

"The EU's Risk-Averse Nature"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/eus-risk-averse-nature

Die Risikoscheue der EU verringere die Effektivität der europäischen Außenpolitik, argumentiert David Hutt. "European foreign policy is like a feted adolescence, lavished with praise from overbearing parents and told it can achieve anything it wants, yet without knowing itself what its purpose is. (…) For sure, an overly centralized bureaucracy that has to cater to so many vested interests becomes slow and plodding. But it also becomes hazardously cautious, with the marker of success seen only from the absence of failure. (…) If EU foreign policy wants to become more effective, it needs to act much more quickly and worry about details later."

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26.02.2021

"Op-Ed: Why the UN Security Council Needs Reform"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/op-ed-why-un-security-council-needs-reform

Die Zusammensetzung des Sicherheitsrates der Vereinten Nationen spiegele nicht mehr die reale Welt wider, finden Christoph Heusgen und Friedrich Schröder. Das Gremium sei "(…) in danger of losing more and more of its effectiveness and legitimacy, just like at the height of the Cold War. (…) The Council was last reformed in 1965, when it added four non-permanent members. In the meantime, the number of UN member states has quadrupled from around 50 to almost 200. (…) Given this reality, it is baffling that Africa is still not permanently represented on the Council. The countries of this continent make up more than a quarter of UN member states. (…) India, which will become the most populous state on Earth in the next 10 years and is already the planet's biggest democracy, is not a permanent member. (…) And finally: Germany, one of the biggest donors to the entire UN system, an internationally recognized defender of human rights and the rules-based international order, is also not on it. This must change."

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11.02.2021

"Putin's Security Trap"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/putins-security-trap

Sicherheitsbedenken durchzögen alle Entscheidungen des russischen Staatsapparates, stellt Stefan Meister fest. Dies habe für Russland weitreichende Konsequenzen. "This is illustrated not only by the secret service trying to poison the most important Russian opposition politician, but also by the unprecedented ignorance with which the security apparatus damaged its relationship with its most important European partner, Germany. (…) The only way to influence this regime is to draw clear red lines and to increase the cost for the Kremlin's behavior. Doing nothing will only invite more aggression."

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01.02.2021

"NATO Must Adapt for a Dangerous New Era"

https://ip-quarterly.com/en/nato-must-adapt-dangerous-new-era

Die Nato müsse sich anpassen, um sich auf eine neue Ära der strategischen Rivalität mit China und Russland vorzubereiten, fassen Thomas de Maizière und Aaron Wess Mitchell zusammen. "In short, the world of the next 10 years will be one in which there will be a more compelling role for NATO than arguably at any point since the height of the Cold War. And yet it may be justifiably asked in some quarters whether NATO is capable of performing this role. Recent years have seen no shortage of rifts in the transatlantic relationship. (…) For this reason, some Western leaders have publicly questioned NATO's utility and health. The answer of our report is that NATO is not brain dead and is indeed capable of adjusting to the challenges at hand. We ground this assessment not in naïve optimism but in NATO's record of successful adaptation."

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