Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine forced a large number of Roma to leave the country, turning a long-marginalised minority into part of the broader refugee movement across Europe. According to European Commission data , around 100,000 Ukrainian Roma – out of an estimated total of 400,000 who lived in Ukraine – have fled to European Union countries as a result of the war, while a comparable number are estimated to have become internally displaced persons (IDPs) within Ukraine.
It is difficult to determine how many of those who left Ukraine have settled in Germany, as migration authorities do not record the ethnicity of refugees from Ukraine. However, research conducted by the Ukrainian Centre of Roma Studies at Kherson State University provides an indirect answer to this question: Between 2023 and 2026, a series of 31 in-depth interviews was conducted with Roma who had left Ukraine for EU countries due to the war. The findings show that Germany is the main destination for the majority of Roma migrants.
Participants typically explained this choice by referring to already established migration networks, as they travelled to join relatives or acquaintances:
“Everyone from our Roma community goes to Germany, so I went there too.” (Male, 67 years old).
The fact that Germany has become the main migration destination was often mentioned even by Roma who settled in other EU countries. They explained their choice by referring to factors, such as easier access to the labour market (the Netherlands, Ireland) or a closer linguistic environment (the Czech Republic), which facilitated adaptation. However, notably, when discussing their destinations, they frequently compared their country of residence specifically with Germany, where they had either previously stayed themselves or about which they had heard from friends and relatives.
Protestant churches also played an important role in migration processes, helping their members with accommodation, employment, and meeting basic needs. Among refugees who have successfully integrated and developed new social networks, a significant proportion are members of Protestant or Catholic communities.
Roma as a national minority in Ukraine
Ukrainian Roma do not constitute a homogeneous community. They include around ten distinct ethnic groups that differ in terms of their native languages (Romani, Hungarian, Ukrainian, Russian, and Romanian), religious affiliations (Orthodox, Protestant, and Muslim), and the extent to which traditional norms and customs are preserved. Many Roma, when leaving war-affected areas in eastern Ukraine and moving to safer regions of the country, encountered representatives of other Roma groups living in Western Ukraine and Zakarpattia for the first time in their everyday lives. However, despite these differences, the crisis context revealed a broader shared identity, solidarity, and mutual support within Roma communities. Local Roma communities in Germany also provided substantial assistance to newly arrived refugees.
At the same time, the socio-economic position of Roma in Ukraine was and remains extremely vulnerable. According to sociological data , only 8 per cent of Roma have a medium or high level of material well-being, and only 9 per cent are employed in the formal economy. The majority rely on temporary jobs and informal employment, as well as state social assistance and humanitarian support provided by civil society organisations. 23 per cent of Roma in Ukraine are unemployed, while another 20% are actively seeking employment in conditions of limited job opportunities. Employers are often highly reluctant to hire them. As a result, more than half of Roma families in Ukraine consider themselves to be barely making ends meet, and some cannot afford even basic food needs.
This situation reflects the broader context of their social position: for a long time, Roma in Ukraine have remained one of the most marginalised groups. Since the beginning of regular sociological monitoring, over a period of more than three decades, Roma have consistently been the group towards whom compared with all other national and ethnic groups, the most negative prejudices were expressed. Following the beginning of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation, this situation changed to some extent: since then, the Roma have no longer been at the top of the list of population groups towards whom the strongest xenophobic attitudes are directed. Instead, the most pronounced negative attitudes are now directed towards Russians, whilst general attitudes towards the Roma have improved slightly. It remains unclear, however, whether this actually indicates a decline in prejudice against the Roma or whether the negative attitudes have simply shifted to a different demographic group.
One of the most visible and stable characteristics of Roma communities is large family size. Precise data on fertility rates among Roma are not available; however, many Roma families have five to seven or even more children. This stands in sharp contrast to the average figures in Ukrainian society, where fertility rates were already among the lowest in the world before the war and have now fallen to approximately 0.7 children per woman.
Large family size became one of the important factors shaping Roma migration, as fathers of three or more children under the age of 18 are exempt from military mobilisation and have the right to leave Ukraine. As a result, many Roma families were able to migrate together as complete family units. Another group of male Roma refugees consists of those originating from the occupied territories in eastern Ukraine, who entered the EU through the territory of Russia.
However, when excluding the opportunities for legally avoiding mobilisation and leaving the country, having a large number of children in the Ukrainian context often represents an additional source of vulnerability. The level of social support for children remains relatively low – currently, the basic allowance amounts to 860 hryvnia, or approximately 17 euros per month, and is paid only until the child reaches the age of three. Supporting a large family without substantial state assistance, and with limited participation of women in paid employment – who are, in turn, primarily engaged in domestic responsibilities and childcare – becomes difficult. This is particularly the case given the weak integration of Roma into the labour market and their limited access to stable and well-paid employment.
The precarious socio-economic situation of many Roma households is one of the barriers that hinder their access to education. Although most Roma children are formally enrolled in school, in practice they receive very limited education or none at all. Regular school attendance is rare, and only a small proportion of Roma children remain in education until the final grade. Instead, girls are typically involved in domestic work and in caring for younger siblings. Boys, in turn, assist adults in market trading, take part in car repair work, or are otherwise integrated into the household economy to make a living for the family. As a result, a self-reinforcing structural cycle of exclusion emerges: low educational attainment reproduces limited life opportunities, while socio-economic constraints prevent subsequent generations from attending school. As a result, the share of Roma in Ukraine who are unable to read and write in Ukrainian range from 24 per cent and 39 percent , depending on the data source.
Ukrainian Roma in the German education system
Against the backdrop of the situation of Roma families in Ukraine, the integration of children in the German education system has become a new experience and a significant challenge for Roma refugees. For any child, transitioning to a school with a different language of instruction is a demanding process. This challenge has also affected millions of Ukrainian refugees with children who were forced to leave the country due to the full-scale Russian invasion. For Roma, however, the difficulties of school adaptation were further exacerbated by the fact that the actual level of educational preparation of many children was significantly below the age-appropriate curriculum requirements.
However, comparably high child-related social benefits in Germany have influenced Roma refugee families’ motivation and encouraged a re-evaluation of the role of education in life: The basic child allowance in Germany stands at 259 euros per month and may be significantly higher depending on various factors and circumstances, such as whether parents are employed. In practice, some Roma families living in Germany receive more than 500 euros per child, including additional housing and welfare benefits, with payments continuing until the child reaches the age of 18. Importantly, access to these benefits (and, more broadly, legal residence in Germany) is conditional on the child’s participation in the German education system. Thus, school attendance - which is mandatory in Germany - is reinforced by economic incentives, as children make a direct and significant contribution to household welfare. This is also important because, otherwise, families might be reliant on their children to help with the household economy.
Moreover, participation in the education system and linguistic adaptation have contributed to the emergence of perceptions of possible career paths that were previously largely inaccessible or not considered. Education is increasingly perceived not only as a source of immediate economic benefit but also as a pathway to social mobility. The following are illustrative quotations from in-depth interviews with Roma conducted in Germany by the Ukrainian Centre for Roma Studies:
“I can already count to 50 in German. I tell him, ‘Son, please study.’ He replies, ‘Yes, dad, I understand. I understood that I need to study.’” (Male, 41 years old).
“I want my children to get an education and graduate… Of course, I do not want them to stop being Roma or to marry non-Roma. I do not want that. But I want them to integrate into society. That is my dream.” (Male, 51 years old).
“I realised that I want to study. I want to get a degree. To have a purpose in life. Not just to live an ordinary Roma life.” (Female, 25 years old).
Many participants in the study expressed regret that, due to past life circumstances or their families’ lack of understanding of the importance of education, they themselves had not been able to obtain formal schooling. Overall, among the parental generation there is a widespread belief that education enables children to be better prepared for life in contemporary society. Accordingly, young people often consider vocational education and the opportunities for self-realisation it may provide.
Children, through their schooling, acquire a much better command of German than their immigrated parents and often assist them in communicating with healthcare institutions, as well as various public and social services. This competence among children serves as a visible demonstration of the value of education within the family system. There is also evidence that a significant proportion of Ukrainian Roma in Germany have begun to use kindergarten services, although this was not common while living in Ukraine.
Between adaptation and tradition
Under the influence of the school environment, Roma families may also make certain compromises with tradition. One interviewee described how they held a family discussion to decide whether their eldest daughter should attend physical education classes. The issue was that students were required to wear sports trousers – clothing traditionally considered inappropriate for an adolescent girl, particularly in the presence of other Roma (as several Roma children from Ukraine were also enrolled in the school). However, out of respect for the teachers who had supported the family and paid special attention to their children so that they could study on equal terms with others, it was decided that the daughter would attend physical education classes.
It should be noted, however, that some Roma women from Ukraine have also switched from traditional long skirts to trousers in order not to draw attention to their ethnic background. As they jokingly say, “now we just need to learn how to wear them nicely.” Overall, a significant proportion of our respondents prefer not to emphasise their Roma origin in everyday interactions, using the new social environment as an opportunity to construct a new social image. They hold Ukrainian passports and, accordingly, from the perspective of the host society, they are primarily perceived as Ukrainians.
Many research participants noted more tolerant attitudes towards minorities and emphasised that Germany is a multicultural country where different nationalities are treated equally:
“I have not heard anything bad from Germans yet.” (Female, 58 years old).
“Because Germany is a multi-ethnic country. There are many nationalities here: Turks, Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, Azerbaijanis, Roma, Ukrainians, Russians, Kazakhs. And Germans seem to be used to it.” (Male, 42 years old).
Nevertheless, even in these conditions, they often avoid explicitly identifying themselves as Roma. This phenomenon may be related to their previous experiences of marginalisation. Despite the tolerance of the host society, Roma demonstrate a degree of caution and seek to minimise potential risks of discrimination:
“If someone finds out that we are not Ukrainians but of Roma nationality, then I think the attitude will be different.” (Female, 32 years old).
Interestingly, the desire to conceal their identity was more often mentioned by employed Roma, who feared that their relationship with employers could deteriorate. The overall share of Ukrainian Roma employed in Germany is difficult to estimate, but it is relatively significant among the research participants. Notably, this employment is usually formal, which differs from their previous experience in Ukraine, where Roma were more likely to work in the informal sector of the economy.
Key Shifts and Emerging Practices
The changes in Roma communities described in this article are not the only transformations they have experienced as a result of forced migration. One notable phenomenon has been the strengthening of civic patriotism: many Roma have begun to perceive themselves primarily as citizens of Ukraine and to emphasise their belonging to the country. Another important development has been the digitalisation of intra-community interactions. Whereas previously many issues within Roma communities were resolved through localised, face-to-face contact, migration has led to the adaptation of these mechanisms to conditions of geographical dispersion. Even such a traditional practice as the Roma court (a mechanism for resolving internal conflicts and disputes within the community) is now often conducted online.
However, from the perspective of integration and long-term prospects, the most significant changes are those related to children’s education and the formal employment of adults. At the beginning of the migration period, many Roma families were hesitant about enrolling their children in the German education system and were reluctant to send them to school. Over time, however, as they gained experience and became more familiar with the new social environment, their level of trust in the education system increased. For many parents, it has become clear that education is one of the key resources enabling children to access broader opportunities and move beyond existing social constraints.
Similarly, substantial changes have occurred in attitudes towards employment. For many Roma migrants from Ukraine, Germany has become a context in which formal employment is perceived not only as a source of income but also as an important element of social integration and a means of transforming one’s social status. In this sense, despite the challenges and vulnerabilities associated with migration, it has opened up new opportunities and created conditions for overcoming previously existing barriers.