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Effects of networks on selected policy measures

Kurzdossiers "Paradise Left Behind" – Begleitmaterial zum Film "Es geht um differenzierte Bilder." – Ein Gespräch über Paradise Left Behind Die ägäischen Inseln: von Räumen des Transits zu Räumen der Immobilisierung 'Schengen', 'Dublin' und die Ambivalenzen der EU-Migrationspolitik. Eine kurze Geschichte Paradise Left Behind Migration und Wirtschaft Die wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen von Zuwanderung Wie sich Migration auf die Herkunftsländer auswirkt Migrantische Ökonomien in Deutschland Fachkräfteengpässe und Arbeitsmigration nach Deutschland Migration und Handwerk – kurze Geschichte einer langen Verbindung Migration und Handwerk: Fachkräftemangel und integratives Potenzial Zugehörigkeit und Zusammenhalt in der Migrationsgesellschaft Was ist Heimat? Warum es so viel leichter ist über Nudelsalat zu reden als über Rassismus Die blinden Flecken antirassistischer Diskurse Was hält eine Gesellschaft zusammen? Was hält eine Gesellschaft zusammen? Konfliktbearbeitung ist der Klebstoff der Demokratie Sozialer Zusammenhalt und das Gefühl, fremd im eigenen Land zu sein Die Gruppe der Ostdeutschen als Teil postmigrantischer Integrationsfragen Kommunale Migrations- und Flüchtlingspolitik Der "local turn" in der Migrations- und Asylpolitik Kommunen und ihre Rolle bei der Flüchtlingsaufnahme Kommunale Aufnahme von Flüchtlingen Interview: Migrations- und integrationspolitische Debatten im Deutschen Städtetag Kommunale Integrationspolitik in Deutschland: Teilhabe vor Ort ermöglichen Zufluchtsstädte im amerikanischen Einwanderungsföderalismus Migration in städtischen und ländlichen Räumen Geflüchtete in ländlichen Räumen Perspektive Geflüchteter auf das Leben auf dem Land Landlust oder Landfrust? Fleischindustrie Migrantische Arbeitskräfte in der malaysischen Palmölindustrie (Il)legal? Migrant_innen in der spanischen Landwirtschaft Das Wachstum der Städte durch Migration Migration und Männlichkeit Männlichkeit im Migrationskontext Muslimische Männlichkeit Väterlichkeiten Intersektionale Diskriminierung Sozialisation junger Muslime Migration – Kriminalität – Männlichkeit Migration und Sicherheit Einführung Migration und menschliche Sicherheit Foreign Fighters "Gefährder" Smart Borders Grenzkontrollen: Einblicke in die grenzpolizeiliche Praxis Die Polizei in der Einwanderungsgesellschaft Interview Radikalisierung in der Migrationsgesellschaft Schlepper: Dekonstruktion eines Mythos "Racial Profiling", institutioneller Rassismus und Interventionsmöglichkeiten Migration und Klimawandel Umwelt- und Klimamigration: Begriffe und Definitionen Zur Prognose des Umfangs klimabedingter Migrationen Der Zusammenhang zwischen Klimawandel und Migration Indikator für Verwundbarkeit oder Resilienz? Klimawandel, Migration und Geschlechterverhältnisse Rechtliche Schutzmöglichkeiten für "Klimaflüchtlinge" Interview mit Ulf Neupert Frauen in der Migration Migration qualifizierter Frauen in der EU Selbstorganisation geflüchteter Frauen* "Gastarbeiterinnen" in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Ein Überblick in Zahlen Migration und Geschlechterrollen Frauen auf der Flucht Interview Zahlenwerk: Frauen mit Migrationshintergrund in Deutschland Integrationskurse Geschlechtsbezogene Verfolgung – Rechtlicher Schutz Geflüchtete Frauen in Deutschland Kinder- und Jugendmigration Zahlenwerk Kindertransporte Die "Schwabenkinder" Kinder- und Jugendmigration aus GB Menschenrechte von Kindermigranten Third Culture Kids Kindersoldat_Innen Adoption und Kindermigration Kinderhandel Lebensborn e.V. Grenzzäune und -mauern Mauern und Zäune Integrationspolitik Integrationsmonitoring Integrationstheorien Interview mit Andreas Zick Integration in superdiverse Nachbarschaften Migration und Entwicklung Entwicklung und Migration, Umsiedlung und Klimawandel Migration und Entwicklung – eine neue Perspektive? Stand der Forschung Rücküberweisungen Diaspora als Impulsgeberin für Entwicklung Landgrabbing Interview mit Roman Herre Strukturumbrüche und Transformation Diaspora Was ist eine Diaspora? Exil, Diaspora, Transmigration Diaspora: Leben im Spannungsfeld Türkeistämmige in Deutschland Postsowjetische Migranten Polnische Diaspora Vietnamesische Diaspora Kurdische Diaspora Diaspora als Akteur der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit Russlanddeutsche und andere postsozialistische Migranten Wer sind die Russlanddeutschen? Aussiedler Politische Partizipation von Russlanddeutschen Russlanddeutsches Verbandswesen Religiosität unter Russlanddeutschen Interview mit Peter Dück Russlanddeutsche in Russland Russlanddeutsche transnational Jüdische Kontingentflüchtlinge und Russlanddeutsche Transnationalismus als Beheimatungsstrategie Aushandlungen der Zugehörigkeit russlanddeutscher Jugendlicher Mediennutzung der russischen Diaspora in Deutschland 'Russische' Supermärkte und Restaurants in Deutschland Perspektiven auf die Integration von Geflüchteten in Deutschland Arbeitsmarktperspektiven von Geflüchteten Interview mit Gesa Hune Meinung: Geflüchtete fördern - oder es kann teuer werden Effekte der Fluchtmigration - Interview mit Prof. Dr. Herbert Brücker "Die müssen die Sprache lernen" Fremd- bzw. Zweitspracherwerb von Geflüchteten Die Arbeitsmarktintegration Geflüchteter in der Vergangenheit "Wohnst Du schon – oder wirst Du noch untergebracht?" Inklusion in das Schulsystem Ein Jahr Integrationsgesetz Interview mit Prof. Dr. Julia von Blumenthal Über die Zusammenhänge von Religion und Integration Interview: Digitale Bildungsangebote als Chance für Integration Innerafrikanische Migrationen Konsequenzen der Auslagerung der EU-Grenzen Kindermigration in Burkina Faso Flucht und Vertreibung Migranten als Akteure der Globalisierung Migrations- und Fluchtpfade Marokko Libyen Abschiebungen nach Afrika Leben nach der Abschiebung Flüchtlingslager Begriff und Geschichte des Lagers Orte der dauerhaften Vorläufigkeit: Flüchtlingslager im globalen Süden "Das Leben im Flüchtlingslager wird zur Normalität" Urbanisierungsprozesse Kleine Geschichte der Flüchtlingslager Lager in der Weimarer Republik Schlotwiese Uelzen-Bohldamm Friedland Zirndorf Marienfelde Das Jahr 2016: Ein Rückblick Globale Flüchtlingskrise hält weiter an Diskussion um kriminelle Geflüchtete Europa Literatur Resettlement Was ist Resettlement? Historische Entwicklung Resettlement durch UNHCR Resettlement im Vergleich zu anderen Aufnahmeprogrammen Aufnahme und Integration EU und Resettlement Deutschland Zukunft des Resettlements Literatur Akteure im (inter-)nationalen (Flucht-)Migrationsregime Akteure in Migrationsregimen und das Aushandeln von Migration Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge Die Europäische Grenzschutzagentur Frontex Die Asylagentur der Europäischen Union: neue Agentur, alte Herausforderungen UNHCR UNRWA – das UN-Hilfswerk für Palästina-Flüchtlinge im Nahen Osten Die Internationale Organisation für Migration (IOM) "Migration ist ein globales Thema, auf das es auch globale Antworten geben sollte." Flucht und Asyl: Grundlagen Abschiebung in der Geschichte Deutschlands Wie ist das Asylrecht entstanden? Das Asylverfahren in Deutschland Schutzanspruch im deutschen Asylverfahren? Sichere Herkunftsländer Das Konzept "sichere Herkunftsstaaten" Definition für Duldung und verbundene Rechte Flüchtlingsaufnahme und ihre Folgen Fluchtziel Deutschland Freiwillige Rückkehr Unbegleitete minderjährige Geflüchtete Abschiebung – Ausweisung – Dublin-Überstellung Begriff und Figur des Flüchtlings in historischer Perspektive Zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement Ehrenamtliches Engagement von Geflüchteten Interview mit J. Olaf Kleist Engagement in der Migrationsgesellschaft Politische Proteste von Geflüchteten Proteste gegen Abschiebungen Zivilgesellschaft und Integration Städte der Solidarität – ein Interview Beim Kirchenasyl geht es um den Schutz des Einzelnen. Ein Gespräch. Zivilgesellschaftliche Initiativen für sichere Fluchtwege – ein Überblick Migrantenorganisationen – vielfältige Akteurinnen gesamtgesellschaftlicher Integration (Flucht-)Migration und Gesundheit Medizinische Versorgung Interview David Zimmermann Definition von Migration Gesundheitszustand von Migranten Barrieren/ Prävention Erklärungsmodelle Schlussfolgerungen Literatur Das Jahr 2015: Ein Rückblick Fluchtmigration: Hintergründe Verwaltungs- und Infrastrukturkrise EU: Reaktionen auf die Fluchtzuwanderung Flüchtlingszahlen weltweit Internationale Studierende Einleitung Bildungsmigration Internationale Studierende Internationale Studierende in Deutschland Übergang in den Arbeitsmarkt Literatur Migration und Pflege Einführung Altern in der Migrationsgesellschaft Interview mit Helma Lutz Deutsche Asylpolitik und EU-Flüchtlingsschutz Einleitung Flüchtlingsrecht Asylrecht, Flüchtlingspolitik, humanitäre Zuwanderung Flucht und Asyl als europäisiertes Politikfeld Asyl und Asylpolitik Ausblick Literatur Integration in der postmigrantischen Gesellschaft Einleitung Die postmigrantische Gesellschaft Paradigmenwandel Brauchen wir den Integrationsbegriff noch? Integration als Metanarrativ Notwendigkeit eines neuen Leitbildes Literatur Lifestyle Migration Was ist Lifestyle Migration? Briten in Spanien Einen neuen Lebensstil entdecken Folgen des Residenztourismus Zusammenfassung Literatur Wahlrecht und Partizipation von Migranten Einleitung Politische Rechte und Kommunalwahlrecht Wahlrecht für Drittstaatsangehörige Einbürgerung Aktuelle Entwicklungen Schlussbemerkungen Literatur Frontex und das Grenzregime der EU Einleitung Frontex – Fragen und Antworten Die Entwicklung des europäischen Grenzregimes Externalisierung Technologisierung Grenzwirtschaft/border economies Auf der anderen Seite des Grenzzauns Ist Einwanderung ein Risiko? Literatur Demografischer Wandel und Migration Einleitung Demografischer Übergang Deutschland und Europa Internationale Wanderung Integration und Reproduktionsverhalten Wanderungspolitik Regionale Muster Literatur Glossar English Version: Policy Briefs "Having a nationality is not a given, it is a privilege" Sanctuary and Anti-Sanctuary Immigration Law in the United States Migrant Smugglers Urbanizing Skilled Female Migrants in the EU Self-Organization of Women* Refugees Impact of Migration Revisited Child and Youth Migration Human Rights Protections Migration from the United Kingdom Adoption and Child Migration Third Culture Kids Trafficking in Children Actors in National and International (Flight)Migration Regimes UNHCR UNRWA International Organization for Migration The International Organization for Migration (IOM) German Asylum Policy and EU Refugee Protection Introduction Refugee Law Asylum Law, Refugee Policy, Humanitarian Migration Flight and Asylum Current Developments Current and Future Challenges References Integration in a Post-Migrant Society Introduction Post-Migrant Society Paradigm Shift Do We Still Need the Concept of Integration? Integration as a Metanarrative Need for a New Concept References Lifestyle Migration What Is Lifestyle Migration? British in Spain Realizing a New Style of Life Outcomes of Lifestyle Migration Conclusion References Voting rights and political participation Introduction Political and Municipal Voting Rights Voting Rights for Nationals of Non-EU States Naturalization Recent Developments Conclusions References Frontex and the EU Border Regime Introduction Frontex — Questions and Answers The Development of a European Border Regime Externalization Technologization Border Economies On the Other Side of the Border Fence Is Migration a Risk? References Demographic Change and Migration in Europe Introduction Demographic Transition Germany and Europe International Migration Reproductive Behavior Migration Policy Regional Patterns Glossary Further Reading Global Migration in the Future Introduction Increase of the World Population Growth of Cities Environmental Changes Conclusion: Political Migration References Germans Abroad Introduction Germans Abroad Expatriates in Hong Kong and Thailand Human Security Concerns of German Expatriates Conclusions References Migrant Organizations What Are Migrant Organizations? Number and Structure Their Role in Social Participation Multidimensionality and the Dynamic Character Interaction with their Environments Between the Countries of Origin and Arrival Conclusion References EU Internal Migration EU Internal Migration East-West Migration after the EU Enlargement Ireland United Kingdom Spain Portugal Greece Italy Germany Assessment of Qualifications Acquired Abroad Introduction Evolution of the Accreditation Debate The Importance of Accreditation Basic Principles Thus Far of the Accreditation of Qualifications Acquired Abroad Actors in the Accreditation Practice Reasons for Establishing a New Legal Framework The Professional Qualifications Assessment Act What Is Being Criticized? The Accreditation System in Transition Conclusion References From Home country to Home country? Context Motives Immigration and Integration in Turkey Identification Emigration or Return? References Integration in Figures Approaches Development Six Approaches Conclusion References Climate Change Introduction Estimates Affected areas Environmental migration Conclusion References Dual citizenship Discourse Classic objections Current debate Rule of law Conclusion References Female Labour Migration The labour market Dominant perceptions Skilled female migration Issues Conclusion References How Healthy are Migrants? Definition The Health Status Prevention/Barriers Migration and Health Conclusions References Networks Spain Migrant networks Effects of networks Romanian networks Conclusion References Integration Policy Introduction Demographic situation Economic conditions Labour market The case in Stuttgart Integration measures Evaluation Outlook References Irregular Migration Introduction The phenomenon Political approaches Controlling Sanctions Proposed directive Conclusions References Integration Courses Introduction The Netherlands France Germany United Kingdom Conclusions References Recruitment of Healthcare Professionals Introduction The Situation Health Worker Migration Costs and Benefits Perspectives and Conclusion References Triggering Skilled Migration Introduction Talking about mobility Legal framework Coming to Germany Mobility of scientists Other factors Conclusions References Remittances Introduction The Term Remittance Figures and Trends Effects Conclusion References EU Expansion and Free Movement Introduction Transitional Arrangements Economic Theory The Scale The Results Continued Restrictions Conclusion References The German "Green Card" Introduction Background Green Card regulation Success? Conclusion References Does Germany Need Labour Migration? Introduction Labour shortages Labourmarket Conclusion Labourmigration References Dutch Integration Model The "Dutch model"? The end? Intention and reality A new view Where next? References Impressum

Effects of networks on selected policy measures

Tim Elrick

/ 10 Minuten zu lesen

We now go on to demonstrate how migration networks work by examining some selected migration policies, taking the example of Romanian migrants in Spain, whose networks were only recently examined in detail in a research project.

Following the end of the communist era in Romania in 1989 and during the early stages of their country's transformation, increasing numbers of people used their newfound freedom to travel in order to earn or augment their income abroad. Once the first pioneer migrants had gained a foothold in western EU countries (in particular Germany, Italy and Spain), migration networks gradually developed between various Romanian communities and individual towns in the respective destination countries. Due to their language and cultural proximity, Italy and Spain were of special interest and at the same time offered a wealth of job opportunities, especially in the low-pay sectors of agriculture, construction and some domestic services (domestic help and nursing services).

Effect of Romanian migration networks on immigration in Spain (bpb) Lizenz: cc by-nc-nd/2.0/de

Romania is an important emigration country and yet to date it has adopted only a few specific migration policy measures that might have affected emigration. Until now only one body has been set up to deal with bilateral agreements. Indirectly, of course, the issuing of passports from 1990 contributed to facilitating leaving the country and thus to boosting migration flows. By contrast, Spain, a country that until recently was regarded more as a country of emigration, has developed a migration policy over the past 20 years that enables it to regulate the increasing immigration of foreign workers. Of the many policy measures, two that have had a particularly extensive impact are presented here, namely the legalisation of undocumented migrants and the bilateral agreements on labour migration between Spain and individual countries of migrant origin such as Romania. In addition, two further policies are examined that, due to the supranational regulation of individual policy areas in the European Union, affect migration flows to Spain.

Regularisation campaigns in Spain

After joining the European Community (EC) in 1986, Spain has experienced a sustained economic upswing that makes it increasingly attractive to migrant workers. Since, until then, the country had had very little experience of immigration, the new laws and guidelines on immigration were strongly oriented towards the strict EC accession criteria, which aimed at seeing immigration significantly restricted. Since, however, Spain offered considerable economic incentives to migrant workers, ever-increasing numbers of undocumented job-seekers moved there. Spain's migration politicians were bound by the regulations that they, as junior member of the EC, sought to adhere to without fail. Owing to the experience of emigration that they and the Spanish population had themselves had for decades, however, they looked favourably upon the newcomers. Nonetheless, in order to be able to control unrestricted immigration, so-called regularisation campaigns were repeatedly carried out. Regularisation campaigns enable foreigners staying in the country illegally under certain circumstances to obtain a residence permit. This then protects them against deportation and simultaneously guarantees certain fundamental social rights. Since Spain joined the EC, these regularisation campaigns have been carried out five times, namely in 1986, 1991, 1996, 2000/01 and 2005. Each time the criteria have varied for successful acceptance to a regularisation programme and thereby for receiving a temporary residence permit which could, under certain circumstances, be extended again afterwards. In 1986 the criteria were still very unclear, leaving their interpretation to the discretion of the individual executive authorities. In later regularisation campaigns they were more specifically formulated, making them more assessable for migrants. In addition to furnishing proof of a certain minimum stay in Spain, migrants were also regularly required to prove that they were already in employment. This condition was, however, relaxed in the 2000/01 regularisation campaign to the effect that proof of an employment contract indicating that the migrant was about to take up work was also deemed sufficient. Through the voluntary official registration of undocumented workers staying in the country, these regularisation campaigns give the Spanish government a good overview of the magnitude of irregular migrant flows into their country.

Workers from Transylvania and Moldavia were among the first migrants from Romania to head for Spain after receiving a passport from 1990. Due to the economic situation in their own regions before the collapse of communism in Romania they had already gathered a great deal of internal migration experience. Especially in communities of origin with strong social cohesion, powerful migration networks were quickly established in which the migrants helped one another to utilise the job opportunities in Spain. Very large numbers of migrants were therefore able to profit from the 1996 regularisation campaign, which did not grant the usual residence visa of just one year, but rather a six-year visa that could later be converted into an unlimited stay. As usual with regularisation campaigns it was announced that this was the last opportunity for foreigners residing in the country illegally to remain without facing prosecution – a measure to stop the further immigration of irregular migrant workers. However, in the case of Romanian migrants this resulted in their making all the more use of their migration networks. It is reportet that even remigrants, in other words people who had previously worked in Spain and were now living again in Romania, profited from the regularisation campaigns. Informed by their network contacts, they travelled back to Spain so as not to miss the opportunity to obtain a longer-term residence permit. In some cases, their network contacts provided these remigrants with the necessary documents to apply successfully for a residence permit.

The regularisation campaign in 2000/01 had a still-greater influence on the number of Romanian migrants in Spain since firstly this offered opportunities for family reunification and secondly it was already being discussed years previously. The latter had the effect that the information about the high probability or a renewed regularisation campaign disseminated via the Romanian migration networks led to increased irregular migration to Spain from origin communities in the years before 2000. Even during this regularisation campaign, the regulations for obtaining a residence permit were tightened up significantly by the newly-elected conservative party (partido popular). The opportunities for family reunification that were heavily utilised by Romanian migrants, however, largely counteracted this change in policy.

This indicates that the established Romanian migration networks not only supported the policy measures of regularisation that were positive for migrants, but significantly reduced the effectiveness of, if not rendering ineffectual, the measures directed against immigration.

Bilateral Spanish-Romanian agreements

Inter-governmental agreements between Romania and several countries with economic-specific worker shortages (such as Germany, Portugal or indeed Spain) also permit Romanian workers without strong migration networks to seek an income abroad. In this case, government placement agencies assume responsibility for the selection of potential employees in the country of origin and allocate them to relevant employers in the destination country. This generates a certain amount of security for the migrants both in economic and social terms, since the governmental bodies seek to prevent employees being put at risk or exploited. Currently, bilateral agreements between Romania and Spain exist only in agriculture in the south of the country.

Migration networks have only limited impact on this policy measure, since international network contacts are not necessary to take up an occupation under the terms of these treaties. On the contrary, it is sufficient to apply for a job in Spain while still residing in Romania. However, this requires copies of certain documents translated into Spanish and attested by a notary, a service that is only offered in major cities in Romania and involving considerable costs for the poorer rural population. This makes labour migration by this route less interesting to people with access to strong migration networks. The conditions of employment in jobs in Spain negotiated through the agreements intensify this effect still further: the work may only be taken up for a limited period of three to nine months; after that the workers must return to Romania. To guarantee this, they have to personally report back to a public body in Romania if they wish to take up employment in Spain again under the terms of the bilateral treaties. Moreover, the fact that the places of work are located far away in the south of Spain, thereby increasing travel costs, is also unattractive.

Nonetheless, under certain circumstances networks help migrants to utilise these somewhat restrictive policy measures to their advantage. While working under the terms of the bilateral treaties, workers can make contact with potential employers via connections from their networks. After returning to Romania and registering with the authorities, they travel back to Spain to work for better wages and under better conditions. Such migrants can then, as pioneer migrants from their places of origin, act as starting points for building new migration networks.

Visa-free Schengen area

Called into being in 1985 by five EU states, the Schengen Agreement is ultimately an example of a policy measure not primarily aimed at migration, but which had a considerable influence on migration flows (in this case, within the Schengen area) and for which migration networks played a decisive role. The Schengen Convention came into effect in 1990 and aims to abolish border controls for international traffic. Currently, all EU states (with the exception of Ireland, the United Kingdom, Bulgaria, Romania and Cyprus) plus non-EU members Norway and Iceland have signed up to the Agreement. Since then, third-country citizens have only needed a single visa for the entire so-called "Schengen area", in other words all the countries that have acceded to the Convention.

Before 2002, Romanians required a visa in order to enter EU countries or the Schengen area. This was mostly granted only for tourism purposes for a maximum of three months, and even then only if the applicant could provide evidence of being invited to the destination country. For this reason it was necessary either to have good network contacts abroad in order to obtain the relevant invitation or else the considerable financial means to buy a visa on the black market, not to mention the connections necessary in order to ascertain where such a visa could be purchased. The time limits led to circular migration patterns, in other words, movements back and forth between the country of origin and the destination country, with migrants repeatedly obtaining new visas and making maximum use of the time allowed.

The abolition in 2002 of the visa restrictions imposed on Romanian travellers was shown to have a major impact on the intensity of migration between Romania and the Schengen area. The only conditions for entering the Schengen area since then consist of proof of sufficient finances for the stay or evidence of an invitation from one of the participating countries. The traveller was then entitled to stay for up to three months anywhere in the Schengen area, but was forbidden to take up work.

Both before and after the entry requirements were amended for Romanians entering the Schengen area, migrant Romanian workers often used their stay abroad in order to work illegally, and it was usually their migrant networks that helped them find a job. Often they stayed longer than the maximum permitted three months – so-called overstaying. In order to be able to return to Romania unscathed, information was exchanged within the migration network as to which was the best and least controlled route or at which borders the officials were most likely to accept bribes.

Both entering the country and the practice of overstaying were, of course, made considerably easier once the visa requirements were abolished. This led to an increase in migration and, consequently, also to a growth in migration networks, which were then able to support more potential migrants.

EU expansion in 2007

Romania has been a member of the EU since 2007 and its citizens enjoy the freedom to travel to all EU countries. This also dispenses with the need for visas for stays longer than three months. Taking up paid employment, however, is initially prohibited, by restrictive clauses in the EU accession treaty with Romania, in all EU countries apart from Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and Sweden. This policy was also applied in 2004 to the accession of the eight central and eastern European countries of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Slovenia, as well as Cyprus and Malta. Most of the existing EU member countries were concerned about the possibility of strong increases in the number of migrant workers in the low-pay sector with whom their own population would then have to compete. Most EU states, that have exempted themselves from the work prohibition, offer few economic incentives. Therefore few Romanian migrants move there for this reason alone. On the other hand, in Sweden where there is a high level of income even among the less well-qualified, a comparably large increase in Romanian migrants is indeed seen for the year 2007 when compared with the previous year (2006: 348, 2007: 2,457 registered migrants) , but these are primarily pioneer migrants – whether Romanian migration networks will become established in Sweden depends, among other things, on the institutional framework there. The reaction of the Swedish trade unions to opening the country to migrant workers from the EU accession countries following the 2004 expansion, plus a lack of knowledge of the Swedish language, deterred many international job seekers from the ten expansion countries from settling there.

Abbildung: Effect of Romanian migration networks on immigration in Spain

The labour markets in Ireland and in the United Kingdom, until recently still booming, appear more interesting. These, however, are not yet open to migrant Romanian workers, but only to citizens of countries that joined the EU in 2004. Individual Romanians, however, have succeeded in acquiring forged residence permits for these countries through network contacts, thereby obtaining access to the labour markets in the United Kingdom and Ireland. The fact that relatively few avail themselves of this option lies firstly in the high risks and costs involved in this route to employment. Above all, though, the migration networks between Romania and Spain are so strong that many migrants are reluctant to exchange the good networking in Spain for one of the as yet weak migration networks in one of the ten accession countries. It remains to be seen how the situation will develop in future, since the Spanish economy is meanwhile experiencing only restrained growth (and therefore fewer workers are required) and a property price crisis that started at the beginning of 2007 is also affecting many migrants who have bought property as an investment.

Fussnoten

Fußnoten

  1. The representation is based on data collected for the EU Marie Curie Excellence Grant project "Expanding the Knowledgebase of European Labour Migration Policies (KNOWMIG)". Further information on this research project can be found at Externer Link: http://www.migration-networks.org.

  2. see also Elrick, Lewandowska 2008

  3. cf. Elrick, Ciobanu 2007

  4. Horváth 2007

  5. cf. Kreienbrink 2008; Aja et al. 2006

  6. Arango 1999

  7. Moya Malapeira 2006

  8. Kostova Karaboytcheva 2006

  9. Solé 2004

  10. Elrick, Ciobanu 2007

  11. Kreienbrink 2008

  12. Baldwin-Edwards 2007

  13. European Commission 2005

  14. cf. Cyrus 2000 for migration between Poland and Germany

  15. Horváth 2007

  16. cf., for example, Bauer, Zimmermann 1999; Boeri, Brücker 2000

  17. Statistika Centralbyrån 2008

  18. cf. Elrick, Ciobanu 2007

  19. El Mundo 20.04.2008