Cities in the Making: Contours of the Urbanizing Refugee Camp
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Refugee camps are designed as temporary shelters, yet, in practice, they exist for long periods of time in the course of which urbanization processes set in that may present an opportunity for their inhabitants and environments.
Luftbild von IFO 3, einer Erweiterung des Flüchtlingscamps Dadaab in Kenia, das eines der größten Flüchtlingslager der Welt ist. Flüchtlingslager
sind als temporäre Räume für die Aufnahme und den Schutz von Flüchtlingen konzipiert. In der Praxis bestehen sie jedoch für immer längere Zeiträume, insbesondere im Globalen Süden. Sie beherbergen unterschiedlichste Bevölkerungsgruppen, während die humanitäre Verwaltung und die Infrastruktur in den Lagern expandieren. Deshalb werden Flüchtlingslager auch mit sich im Entstehen befindenden Städten verglichen. Von Urbanisierung im Zusammenhang mit Flüchtlingslagern zu sprechen, vermag die Langlebigkeit und Normalisierung von Ausnahmezuständen anzuzeigen.
Ausgabe von Gutscheinen für Essenspakete im Flüchtlingslager Zaatari in Jordanien. Manche Lagerbewohner verkaufen die Gutscheine, um von dem Geld
Güter zu erwerben, die von humanitären Organisationen nicht zur Verfügung gestellt werden, oder eine eigene Geschäftsidee zu realisieren. So werden die Essensmarken Teil der Lagerwirtschaft.
Autokennzeichen aus aller Welt im Flüchtlingslager Boujdour, in Tindouf, Algerien. Auch wenn Flüchtlingslager die Funktion haben, ihre
Bewohner/-innen von der Bevölkerung im Aufnahmeland zu trennen – Integration ist nicht das Ziel der Lagerpolitik –, stehen sie doch mit ihrer Umwelt in Austauschbeziehungen. Sie werden im Laufe der Zeit regional eingebettet und können so auch zur Entwicklung der regionalen Volkswirtschaften beitragen. In jüngerer Zeit werden Flüchtlingslager als Orte für Investitionen oder buchstäblich als Markt positioniert.
Im Flüchtlingscamp Zaatari in Jordanien wird ein Wohncontainer angeliefert. Zelte und Container symbolisieren, dass Flüchtlingslager als
vorübergehende Einrichtungen konzipiert sind und sollen zeigen, dass sie durch eine entsprechende politische Entscheidung sofort aufgelöst werden können. In der Praxis existieren sie allerdings oft über lange Zeiträume. Die Bewohner/-innen eignen sie sich an und verwandeln etwa die ihnen zugewiesenen Unterkünfte in Lebensräume, indem sie sie nach ihren eigenen Wünschen, Normen und Nutzungsvorstellungen umgestalten.
Palästinensisches Flüchtlingslager Ain-el-Hilwe in Sidon, Libanon. Infolge der Staatsgründung Israels 1948 und des damit einhergehenden
Angriffskrieges der arabischen Länder Syrien, Libanon, Jordanien, Ägypten und Irak, der Suezkrise 1956 und des Sechstagekriegs 1967 flüchteten viele Palästinenser/-innen u.a. in den Libanon. Viele ihrer Flüchtlingslager kann man heute auf den ersten Blick kaum noch als ursprünglich temporär eingerichtete Lager erkennen. Sie gleichen Städten, nicht zuletzt, weil über die Jahrzehnte hinweg Zelte durch feste Bausubstanz ersetzt wurden.
Im jordanischen Flüchtlingslager Zaatari werden Hochzeitskleider zum Verkauf angeboten. Dies zeigt: Im Flüchtlingslager kommt das Leben nicht zum
Stillstand. Menschen werden im Lager geboren, wachsen dort auf, heiraten vielleicht. Einige verbringen ihr gesamtes Leben im Lager, sterben dort und werden dort begraben. Die Ausnahmesituation wird zur Normalität.
Marktplatz im Balukhali Flüchtlingslager in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesch. Bereits unmittelbar nach Eröffnung eines Flüchtlingslagers fangen die
Bewohner/-innen an, Handwerk, Tauschhandel und Unternehmertum zu betreiben. Es entwickelt sich eine Lagerwirtschaft, die zum Gefühl der Normalität beiträgt – wenn auch in einem humanitären Kontext. Auch wenn formelle Beschäftigung oder Handel in den meisten Fällen illegal sind, lässt der informelle Charakter der Lagerwirtschaft genau dies zu und ist gleichzeitig davon abhängig.
Empowerment-Aktivitäten für geflüchtete Rohingya Frauen in einem Flüchtlingslager in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesch. Das Lager als Ort sozialen Wandels:
Im Flüchtlingslager treffen Menschen unterschiedlicher sozialer Herkunft aufeinander und werden mit einer Vielzahl verschiedener Lebensvorstellungen, Weltanschauungen und Praktiken konfrontiert. Dadurch können sich tradierte kulturelle Normen und Vorstellungen verändern. Dazu tragen auch Empowerment-Programme humanitärer Organisationen bei, die u.a. Kinder-, Frauen- und Minderheitenrechte stärken wollen.
Refugee camps are designed as temporary spaces for refugee reception and protection. In practice, however, they exist for increasingly long durations – particularly in the Global South – and come to accommodate diverse populations and undergo the expansion of the humanitarian administration and infrastructure in the camps. Therefore, they have been compared to cities or cities in the making, with its administration as a form of government rather than humanitarian aid.
Urbanity – Attempt at a Definition
The designation of the camp as a city is ambiguous because the idea of urbanity is ambiguous in itself. Urbanization, or rather the urban, is notoriously difficult to define, yet points at particular processes that characterize diversity and concentration as key elements in understanding the socio-spatial contours of the city.
Traces of Urbanity in Refugee Camps
The camp as a temporary emergency measure over time becomes a site where the above mentioned notions of urbanity materialize as the outcome of evolving humanitarian care and as a more organic and bottom up process of refugees living their everyday lives. As a result camps transcend from emergency measures into much more ambiguous spaces, in terms of economic life, norms and control. This development can be referred to as humanitarian urbanism. Humanitarian urbanism denotes how people make sense of and navigate their lives in a humanitarian setting that has become routine, and that presents both constraints and opportunities.
Camps as accidental cities
Camps exist between the temporary and the permanent,
Below the main characteristics of refugee camp urbanization are highlighted.
The camp as a cluster of facilities and services
Many refugee camps are located in marginal, remote locations, intentionally or by circumstance, i.e., near border crossings where refugees enter countries of asylum, or away from the main inhabited areas as a function of separation. Yet, once becoming subject to humanitarian care or human creativity, different services, facilities, and infrastructure, and the activities and processes that are generated by these, are concentrated in camps. For example, healthcare and hospitals, schools and vocational training centers, communication and transport facilities, sports and entertainment, food and markets, social protection and empowerment programs and so on, can be understood as public services which may even exceed the local equivalent in their host regions. In addition, people that come to inhabit this space bring with them skills, ideas and activities that render the technical camp into a social space. This makes that opportunities arise, especially for those areas that are underdeveloped or for people that come from underdeveloped regions.
The camp as a site of social change
People that become subject to a variety of public services, care, education, and so on, especially when from particular isolated or conservative backgrounds, may become exposed to new and different aspects and ideas of life. Active empowerment programming by humanitarian agencies, coupled with education and rights and entitlements that are advocated and mainstreamed into the organization of the camp, allows for a variation and confrontation of/with cultural norms and regulations. For instance, child rights, women rights and minority rights, among broader human rights programming, make that people are exposed to alternative worldviews and practices. More generally, people of different backgrounds, ages, ethnicities and classes come into contact with each other, aid staff and visitors. New generations are born in protracted camp settings that experience the camp as their home ground, and come to relate to this multiplicity of social forms, norms, and practices, and inhabit these. From various urbanized camps in the world come examples how youth that opted for repatriation would not settle for their home villages, but instead opt for cities, as they were urbanized in exile.
The camp as economy
Almost immediately after camps open, people will start to engage in trade, barter and entrepreneurship. Depending on people’s backgrounds, innovative and creative ways of dealing with camp life are found to supplement official aid handouts and other services. Built on this, processes of social stratification set in and redefine relations in the camp, and between refugees and the camp governors, local authorities or NGOs and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Constitutive of this economic process is aid as a basic resource. Housing, food, and jobs provided as part of the humanitarian program are all used in various ways to sustain livelihoods and for barter. For example, food vouchers or rations are sold and the money is used to purchase goods that are not provided by humanitarian organizations, such as meat, fresh vegetables and cigarettes; shelters are rented out as hired houses or used for business space; bicycles donated for work with one of the agencies can be rented out for use as taxis, and more generally, all kinds of materials are re-used and sold. The informal ways in which people engage in supply, banking, travel, and communication render the economic side of refugee camps more important. Even though in most instances formal employment or trade is illegal, the informal character of the camp economy allows for just this, and is simultaneously dependent on it.
Recent quantitative analyses show how camp economies in presumably isolated areas become regionally embedded over time, to such an extent that they, rather than a burden – as often taken for granted – are beneficial for more regional economies. They can contribute to development of the non-refugee population and region, and are projected as having this potential, as urban centers generally do in terms of the above characteristics.
The camp as hybrid governed place
The camp as a humanitarian governed setting retains a particular humanitarian character for the time being – until a political decision to uncamp is made –, but this becomes more hybrid over time as organically developed processes become routine or even legal. This is the urbanization of the camp in a more political sense. The camp inhabitants' resistance and disobedience with regard to norms and standards established by the entities running the camp lead to the adaptation of camp policies and routines. These negotiation processes alternate between both restraint and initiative, enabling and limiting factors, control and self-reliance.
The material make-up of camps is subject to its mobility. Tents or containers are the ultimate symbol of this as they indicate that – by political decree – the camp can be disbanded in no-time. This make-up, however, is subject to human agency: many camps in the world show how people arrange ways to circumnavigate or resist official camp policies. In camps such as Zaatari in Jordan, Kakuma and Dadaab in Kenya, BidiBidi in Uganda and Domiz in Iraq, among others, people transform their allocated shelters into lived spaces: they plant trees, beautify, make sites more agreeable to their own liking, usability, norms or desires.
The camp as a nodal point
Lastly, as camps are sites of mobility (although they are meant to immobilize human movements), people move in and out of them as part of more elaborate migration trajectories that link camps to other cities, homelands or destinations, in networks of relatives, clans and ethnic affiliation. Camps become nodal points in these trajectories and part of social webs that impact livelihoods, socio-political dynamics and power processes, and how these evolve over time. Remittances from kin that went for third country resettlement elsewhere in the world, or that moved on to somewhere in the region, impact on the livelihoods of those remaining in the camp and may foster more durable trans-local relations which are enabled and facilitated by the internet and mobile phones. This may position camps as sites of transit or opportunity more strongly, and lead to alternative sources of livelihoods, investments and coping strategies for people that find camps as temporary stopping points on their way to other destinations or until a durable solution (repatriation, resettlement, local integration) is found. More symbolically, the longer people live in camps that they inhabit, alter and shape, the more these come to carry the personal histories and experiences of people that grew up, or indeed, died and were buried there. For these reasons, people that moved out of the camp, or relatives of camp inhabitants, visit, relate and aid these sites from abroad.
Refugee camp urbanization and humanitarian urbanism as the new normal?
After the 2015 refugee crisis, as a result of renewed interest in, and urgency for regional solutions to refugee crises, attention has shifted to protracted urbanizing refugee camps as solutions in itself, hereby shaping alternative ways of existence in countries bordering crisis areas.
These outlooks come with new ideas about developing these sites, and making them viable for self-reliance and regional integration by embracing the aim of improving relations between refugees and hosts, i.e. by sharing resources, services, facilities, and land. Thus camps would shift from temporary humanitarian sites to increasingly durable settings that benefit the local economy and population. Certain forms of development in terms of for-profit enterprise, permanent and durable building and design, legal entitlements, external interference by non- humanitarian actors such as the private sector or municipalities are the result of the more organic and accidental urbanization of long-term refugee camps. It shows the inevitability of the camp as a site where humans settle, some for long, some for a little while before they move on, their place to be filled by others, and in which an increasingly elaborate humanitarian governance adapts accordingly.
Dr. Bram J. Jansen is assistant professor at Wageningen University, teaching about and researching refugees and forced migration, protracted refugee situations and humanitarian aid. Email: E-Mail Link: bramj.jansen@wur.nl